result in possible prejudice to the legitimate interests of neutral Powers.

These apprehensions have unfortunately proved fully justified by the forcible seizure on board the neutral mail-packet the Trent, and the abduction therefrom, of Messrs. Slidell and Mason by the Commander of the United States' man-of-war the San Jacinto.

This occurrence, as you can well imagine, has produced in England and throughout Europe the most profound sensation, and thrown not Cabinets only, but also public opinion, into a state of the most excited expectation. For, although at present it is England only which is immediately concerned in the matter, yet, on the other hand, it is one of the most important and universally recognized rights of the neutral flag which has been called into question.

I need not here enter into a discussion of the legal side of the question. Public opinion in Europe has, with singular unanimity, pronounced in the most positive manner for the injured party. As far as we are concerned, we have hitherto abstained from expressing ourselves to you upon the subject, because in the absence of any reliable information we were in doubt as to whether the Captain of the San Jacinto, in the course taken by him, had been acting under orders from his Government or not. Even now we prefer to assume that the latter was the case. Should the former supposition, however, turn out to be the correct one, we should consider ourselves under the necessity of attributing greater importance to the occurrence, and to our great regret we should find ourselves constrained to see in it not an isolated fact but a public menace offered to the existing rights of all neutrals.

We have as yet no certain information as to the demands made by England on the American Cabinet, upon the acceptance of which the maintenance of peace appears to depend. As far, however, as our information reaches on the subject, we are convinced that no conditions have been put forward by the British Government which could justly offend President Lincoln's sense of honor.

His Majesty the King, filled with the most ardent wishes for the welfare of the United States of North America, has commanded me to advocate the cause of peace with President Lincoln through your instrumentality, to the utmost of my power. We should reckon ourselves fortunate if we could in this wise succeed in facilitating the peaceful solution of a conflict from which the greatest dangers might arise. It is possible, however, that the President has already taken his decision and

announced it. Whatever that decision may be, the King's Government, when they reflect upon the uninterrupted relations of friendship and amity which have existed between Prussia and the United States ever since the latter were founded, will derive satisfaction from the thought of having laid with the most unreserved candor their views of this occurrence before the Cabinet of Washington and expressed the wishes which they entertain in connection with it.

You will read this despatch without delay to the Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs, and, should he desire it, you will give him a copy of it. I shall await your report upon the instructions contained in this despatch, and I avail, etc.

(Signed) BERNSTORFF.

Count Rechberg to M. de Hulsemann

(Confidential)

VIENNA, December 18, 1861.

The difference that has arisen between the Government of the United States and that of Great Britain as a result of the arrest of Messrs. Slidell and Mason, by the captain of the American war-ship San Jacinto, on board the English packet Trent has not failed to engage the serious attention of the Imperial Cabinet.

The greater the importance that we attach to the maintenance of friendly relations between the United States and England, the more we have had to regret an incident which has added to a situation already bristling with difficulties so serious a complication.

It is not our intention to enter into an examination of the question of law, and yet we cannot disregard the fact that according to the concepts of international law which have been adopted by all Powers and which the American Government itself has frequently followed as rules of conduct, England could scarcely refrain in the present case from protesting against the offense committed against its flag and from asking for just reparation. It seems to us, moreover, that the demands formulated to this end by the Cabinet of St. James contain nothing to offend the Washington Cabinet, and that the latter will find it possible to perform an equitable and reasonable act without the slightest loss of dignity.

By taking counsel of the rules governing international relations, as well as of considerations of an enlightened policy, rather than by seeking

guidance from manifestations caused by an over-excitement of national feeling, the Government of the United States will, we are pleased to hope, consider the matter with the calm mind that the gravity of the case requires and will see fit to decide upon a course which, by keeping unbroken the relations between two great States, for both of which Austria entertains an equal friendship, will be calculated to prevent the serious disturbances which the eventuality of a war could not fail to bring on, both with respect to each of the contending parties and with respect to the affairs of the world at large.

Kindly bring the foregoing reflections to the attention of Mr. Seward and inform us how the Secretary receives your communication. Receive, etc.

(Signed) RECHBERG.

NOTES EXCHANGED BETWEEN GREAT BRITAIN AND CHILE RESPECTING THE SINKING OF THE GERMAN CRUISER "DRESDEN" IN CHILEAN TERRITORIAL WATERS

1

No. 1

Sir:

The Chilean Minister to Sir Edward Grey

[Translation]

CHILEAN LEGATION, London, March 26, 1915.

In compliance with instructions from my Government, I have the honor to inform your Excellency of the facts which led to the sinking of the German cruiser Dresden in Chilean territorial waters, as they appear to be established by the information in the possession of the Chilean Government.

The cruiser cast anchor on the 9th March in Cumberland Bay, in the Island of Mas-a-Tierra, belonging to the Juan Fernandez group, 500 metres from the shore, and her commander asked the Maritime Governor of the port for permission to remain there for eight days for the purpose

1 British Parliamentary Papers, Miscellaneous No. 9 (1915). [Cd. 7859.]

of repairing her engines, which were, he said, out of order. The Maritime Governor refused to grant the request, as he considered it unfounded, and ordered the captain to leave the bay within twenty-four hours, threatening to intern the cruiser if her stay were prolonged beyond that period. Upon the expiry of the time stated the Maritime Governor proceeded to notify the captain of the Dresden that he had incurred the penalty imposed, and he immediately reported the situation which had arisen to the Governor of the Republic. Meanwhile, on the 14th March, a British naval squadron, composed of the cruisers Kent and Glasgow and the armed transport Orama, arrived at Cumberland Bay and immediately opened fire upon the Dresden while she lay at anchor. The Maritime Governor, who was making his way towards the Glasgow in order to carry out the usual obligations of courtesy, was compelled to return to land.

The Dresden hoisted a flag of truce, and despatched one of her officers to inform the Glasgow that she was in neutral waters, a circumstance disregarded by the British naval squadron, which summoned the Dresden to surrender, warning her that if she refused she would be destroyed. The captain of the Dresden then gave orders to blow up the powder magazine and sink the ship.

The act of hostility committed in Chilean territorial waters by the British naval squadron has painfully surprised my Government.

The internment of the Dresden had been notified to her captain by the Maritime Governor of Juan Fernandez, and the Government of the Republic, having been informed of what had occurred, would have proceeded to the subsequent steps had it not been for the intervention of the British naval squadron. Having regard to the geographical position of the Islands of Juan Fernandez and to the difficulty of communication with the mainland, the only authority able to act in the matter did everything possible from the outset, and the internment of the Dresden was as effective and complete as the circumstances would permit when she was attacked by the British naval squadron. Even supposing that the British force feared that the Dresden intended to escape and to ignore the measures taken by the Maritime Governor of Juan Fernandez, and that this apprehension was adduced as the reason which determined its action, it should still be observed that the close watch which the British. naval squadron could itself exercise precluded the possibility of the attempt. Moreover, no such eventuality was contemplated by the British squadron which, as I have said, did not give the Maritime Governor of

Mas-a-Tierra the opportunity of explaining to the naval officer in command of the island the state of the Dresden in Cumberland Bay. The officer in command of the squadron acted à priori without pausing to consider that his action constituted a serious offence against the sovereignty of the country in whose territorial waters he was at the time. The traditions of the British Navy are such that I feel convinced that if the officer who commanded the British squadron had received the Maritime Governor, who was going on board his ship in the fulfilment of his duty, and had been informed of the state of the interned vessel, he would not have opened fire upon her and would not have brought about the situation which now constrains my Government, in defence of their sovereign rights, to formulate the most energetic protest to His Britannic Majesty's Government.

Your Excellency will not be surprised that the attitude of the naval squadron should have aroused such deep feeling in Chile if you bear in mind the fact that the British warships composing it had received, shortly before and upon repeated occasions, convincing proofs of the cordial friendship which unites us to Great Britain, and which finds its clearest and strongest expression in our respective navies. They had been supplied in the ports of the republic with everything which it was permissible for us to furnish consistent with our neutrality in the present European conflict. Nothing, therefore, could be a more painful surprise to us than to see our exceedingly cordial and friendly attitude repaid by an act which bears unfortunately all the evidences of contempt for our sovereign rights, although it is probable that nothing was further from the minds of those by whom it was unthinkingly committed.

Nor will your Excellency be astonished that my Government should show themselves to be very jealous of the rights and prerogatives inherent in the exercise of sovereignty. Nations which lack powerful material means of making their rights respected have no other guarantee and protection for their life and prosperity than the clear and perfect understanding, and the exact and scrupulous fulfilment of the obligations incumbent upon them towards other nations, and the right to demand that other nations shall equally observe their duties towards them. Few nations have given more convincing proofs than Great Britain of their desire to comply with international obligations and to require compliance from others, and few have shown more eloquently their respect for the rights and prerogatives both of great and small nations. These facts convince my Government that His Britannic Majesty's Govern