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out of accord with the proposals of peace on the part of the American Government.

The Mexican Government does not wish war with the United States, and if this should occur it will be as a consequence of the deliberate cause by the United States. To-day these measures of precaution by the American Government show that there is a desire to be prepared for such an emergency, or, what amounts to the same thing, they manifest an attitude of hostility on the part of the United States toward Mexico.

32. Finally, the American authorities in New York, at the suggestion of a neutral society of pacifists, have ordered the detention of certain pieces of machinery which the Mexican Government removed to Mexico for the manufacture of munitions, which machinery could not be utilized for several months after bringing it to this country. This act of the American Government which tends to prevent the manufacture of munitions at a remote future time, is another clear indication that its true attitude toward Mexico is not a peaceful one, for, while millions and millions of dollars worth of arms and ammunition are exported for the European war without these societies of pacifists of the United States being perturbed thereby, the authorities of New York show themselves too much disposed to support the demands of these humanitarian societies when they deal with the proposition of exporting to Mexico machinery for the manufacture of its arms and supplies.

Mexico has the unquestionable right, as does the United States and all other nations of the world, to provide for its military necessities, above all when it finds itself confronted by a task so vast as that of accomplishing the internal pacification of this country; and the act of the United States in embargoing machinery destined for the manufacture of munitions indicates either that the United States wishes to place obstacles in the way of complete pacification or that this act is only one of a series effected by the authorities of the United States in providing against a possible war with Mexico.

33. All the circumstances hereinbefore mentioned indicate that the real objects of the military authorities of the United States are in absolute contradiction to the continued declarations of friendship on the part of the American Government toward Mexico.

34. The people and the Government of Mexico are absolutely sure that the American people do not desire war with Mexico. There are none the less great American and great Mexican interests anxious for a conflict between the two countries. The Mexican Government firmly desires to maintain peace with the American Government, but to this end it is indispensable that the American Government explain frankly its true attitude toward Mexico.

It is indispensable that this contradiction between the assurances of friendship on the part of Washington and the acts of suspicion and distrust and aggression on the part of the military authorities should disappear.

The people and Government of Mexico must know what to expect, and wish to be sure that the assurances so many times expressed by the Government of the United States correspond really to its sincere desire for friendship between the two countries, friendship that should exist not only in the statements but which should be crystallized into acts.

The Mexican Government invites the Government of the United States to bring about a cessation of this situation of uncertainty between the two countries and to support its declarations and assurances of friendship with real and effective acts which shall convince the Mexican people of the sincerity of its proposals. These acts, at the moment can not be other than the immediate withdrawal of the American troops which are to-day on Mexican territory.

In complying with the instructions of the Citizens' First Chief, I avail myself of this opportunity to offer your excellency the assurances of my most distinguished consideration.

THE SECRETARY:

C. AGUILAR.

The Secretary of State to the Secretary of Foreign Relations of the de facto

Government of Mexico.

DEPARTMENT OF STATE,

Washington, June 20, 1916. SIR: I have read your communication, which was delivered to me on May 22, 1916, under instructions of the Chief Executive of the de facto Government of Mexico, on the subject of the presence of American troops in Mexican territory, and I would be wanting in candor if I did not, before making answer to the allegations of fact and the conclusions reached by your government, express the surprise and regret which have been caused this government by the discourteous tone and temper of this last communication of the de facto Government of Mexico.

The Government of the United States has viewed with deep concern and increasing disappointment the progress of the revolution in Mexico. Continuous bloodshed and disorders have marked its progress. For three years the Mexican Republic has been torn with civil strife; the lives of Americans and other aliens have been sacrificed; vast properties developed by American capital and enterprise have been destroyed or rendered nonproductive; bandits have been permitted to roam at will through the territory contiguous to the United States and to seize, without punishment or without effective attempt at punishment, the property of Americans, while the lives of citizens of the United States who ventured to remain in Mexican territory or to return there to protect their interests have been taken, and in some cases barbarously taken, and the murderers have neither been apprehended nor brought to justice. It would be difficult to find in the annals of the history of Mexico conditions more deplorable than those which have existed there during these recent years of civil war.

It would be tedious to recount instance after instance, outrage after outrage, atrocity after atrocity, to illustrate the true nature and extent of the widespread conditions of lawlessness and violence which have prevailed. During the past nine months in particular, the frontier of the United States along the lower Rio Grande has been thrown into a state of constant apprehension and turmoil because of frequent and sudden incursions into American territory and depredations and murders on American soil by Mexican bandits, who have taken the lives and destroyed the property of American citizens, sometimes carrying American citizens across the international boundary with the booty seized. American garrisons have been attacked at night, American soldiers killed and their equipment and horses stolen; American ranches have been raided, property stolen and destroyed, and American trains wrecked and plundered. The attacks on Brownsville, Red House Ferry, Progreso Post Office, and Las Peladas, all occurring during September last, are typical. In these attacks on American territory, Carrancista adherents, and even Carrancista soldiers took part in the looting, burning and killing. Not only were these murders characterized by ruthless brutality, but uncivilized acts of mutilation were perpetrated. Representations were made to General Carranza and he was emphatically requested to stop these reprehensible acts in a section which he has long claimed to be under the complete domination of his authority. Notwithstanding these representations and the promise of General Nafarrete to prevent attacks along the international boundary, in the following month of October a passenger train was wrecked by bandits and several persons killed seven miles north of Brownsville, and an attack was made upon United States troops at the same place several days later. Since these attacks leaders of the bandits well known both to Mexican civil and military authorities as well as to American officers have been enjoying with impunity the liberty of the towns of northern Mexico. So far has the indifference of the de facto government to these atrocities gone that some of these leaders, as I am advised, have received not only the protection of that government, but encouragement and aid as well.

Depredations upon American persons and property within Mexican jurisdiction have been still more numerous. This government has repeatedly requested in the strongest terms that the de facto government safeguard the lives and homes of American citizens and furnish the protection, which international obligation imposes, to American interests in the northern States of Tamaulipas, Nuevo Leon, Coahuila, Chihuahua, and Sonora, and also in the States to the south. For example, on January 3d troops were requested to punish the bands of outlaws which looted the Cusi mining property, eighty miles west of Chihuahua, but no effective results came from this request. During the following week the bandit Villa with his band of about 200 men was operating without opposition between Rubio and Santa Ysabel, a fact well known to Carrancista authorities. Meanwhile a party of unfortunate Americans started by train from Chihuahua to visit the Cusi mines, after having received assurances from the Carrancista authorities in the State of Chihuahua that the country was safe, and that a guard on the train was not necessary. The Americans held passports or safe conducts issued by authorities of the de facto government. On January 10th the train was stopped by Villa bandits and eighteen of the American party were stripped of their clothing and shot in cold blood, in what is now known as “the Santa Ysabel massacre.” General Carranza stated to the agent of the Department of State that he had issued orders for the immediate pursuit, capture, and punishment of those responsible for this atrocious crime, and appealed to this government and to the American people to consider the difficulties of according protection along the railroad where the massacre occurred. Assurances were also given by Mr. Arredondo, presumably under instructions from the de facto government, that the murderers would be brought to justice, and that steps would also be taken to remedy the lawless conditions existing in the State of Durango. It is true that Villa, Castro, and Lopez were publicly declared to be outlaws and subject to apprehension and execution, but so far as known, only a single man personally connected with this massacre has been brought to justice by Mexican authorities. Within a month after this barbarous slaughter of inoffensive Americans it was notorious that Villa was operating within twenty miles of Cusihuiriachic, and publicly stated that his purpose was to destroy American lives and property. Despite repeated and insistent demands that military protection should be furnished to Americans, Villa openly carried on his operations, constantly approaching closer and closer to the border. He was not intercepted, nor were his movements impeded by troops of the de facto government, and no effectual attempt was made to frustrate his hostile designs against Americans. In fact, as I am informed, while Villa and his band were slowly moving toward the American frontier in the neighborhood of Columbus, New Mexico, not a single Mexican soldier was seen in his vicinity. Yet the Mexican authorities were fully cognizant of his movements, for on March 6th, as General Gavira publicly announced, he advised the American military authorities of the outlaw's approach to the border, so that they might be prepared to prevent him from crossing the boundary. Villa's unhindered activities culminated in the unprovoked and cold-blooded attack upon American soldiers and citizens in the town of Columbus on the night of March 9th, the details of which do not need repetition here in order to refresh your memory with the heinousness of the crime. After murdering, burning, and plundering, Villa and his bandits fleeing south passed within sight of the Carrancista military post at Casas Grandes, and no effort was made to stop him by the officers and garrison of the de facto government stationed there.

In the face of these depredations not only on American lives and property on Mexican soil but on American soldiers, citizens and homes on American territory, the perpetrators of which General Carranza was unable or possibly considered it inadvisable to apprehend and punish, the United States had no recourse other than to employ force to disperse the bands of Mexican outlaws who were with increasing boldness systematically raiding across the international boundary. The marauders engaged in the attack on Columbus were driven back across the border by American cavalry, and subsequently, as soon as a sufficient force to cope with the band could be collected, were pursued into Mexico in an effort to capture or destroy them. Without cooperation or assistance

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