This would require an Army and Navy far larger than is now maintained in the Philippines, and still more in excess of what will be necessary with the full recognition of our sovereignty. A military support of authority not our own, as thus proposed, is the very essence of militarism, which our opponents in their platform oppose, but which, by their policy, would of necessity be established in its most offensive forni.

The President took no farther part in the campaign, remaining most of the time quietly at home, making no speeches and writing no political letters.

Mr. Bryan, in his letter of acceptance, again declared his loyalty to the 16 to 1 policy and to free trade; denounced the Dingley tariff, the Republican Currency Act, and the trusts; discussed various phases of the labor question, and spoke very briefly upon the questions at issue in respect to the Philippine Islands. Mr. Stevenson's letter of acceptance was very short, and was devoted largely to a protest against "war of conquest" and against Imperialism.

Mr. Roosevelt, in his letter of acceptance, discussed the questions at issue at considerable length, and followed this by a series of campaign tours, surpassing in amount of travel and number of speeches made anything in the history of politics in this country except the Bryan tours of 1896. One of the first states which he visited was Michigan where he opened the campaign early in September by addressing a meeting of over 4,000 people in Light Guard Armory, Detroit. He went thence to Bay City, where he was greeted by an immense crowd, made up in part by excursionists from the shore towns along Lake Huron. A demonstration of equal magnitude awaited him at Saginaw, and in his tour across the State he addressed crowds at Owosso, Lansing, Jackson, Eaton Rapids, Charlotte, Hastings, Grand Rapids, Holland, Allegan, Kalamazoo, Grand Junction, Benton Harbor, Niles and some of the interlying towns. He continued his tour to the far West, and then through part of the South and East, ending up with a ten days' campaign in New York State. In all he visited twenty-four States, traveled 21,200 miles and made 673 speeches.

Candidate Bryan also made many speeches and was received with nearly as great favor as he was in 1896. Having secured a complete recognition of his money views in the various Conventions that nominated him he was content to let that matter take secondary place in the general meetings. In his speeches he dwelt more upon the dangers to the industries of this country from trusts, and the dangers

of centralized power and an imperialistic policy. The latter was the key-note to much of the Democratic oratory throughout the country. In this they received some aid and encouragement from the National Anti-Imperialistic League, which met in Indianapolis, August 15, and which included some prominent Republicans, as well as Democrats. It denounced the policy of the Administration and practically endorsed Bryan.

The efforts of these men were very largely counteracted by the views expressed by candid men who were familiar with the situation in those islands. The lamented General Lawton, who made it a practice to examine thoroughly every subject in which he became interested, went to the Philippines strongly prejudiced against our occupation of those islands, calling the struggle an "unholy" war. His observations there effected a complete change in his views and he wrote to Hon. John Barrett, United States Minister to Siam:

I would to God that the truth of this whole Philippine situation could be known to every one in America as I know it. If the real history, inspiration, and conditions of this insurrection, and the influences, local and external, as well as the actual possibilities of these islands and peoples and their relations to this great East, could be understood at home, we should hear no more talk of unjust “shooting of government" into the Filipinos or hauling down the flag in the Philippines. If the so-called Anti-Imperialists could honestly ascer tain the truth on the ground, and not in distant America, they, whom I believe to be honest men misinformed, would be convinced of the error of their statements and conclusions, and of the unfortunate effect of their publications here. If I am shot by a Filipino bullet, it may as well come from one of my own men, because I know from observation, confirmed by captured prisoners, that the continuance of fighting is chiefly due to reports that are sent out from America.

Dean C. Worcester, of Michigan University, one of the Philippine Commission, is another witness to the same purport. In a letter received from him, October 25, by Regent Dean, of the University, he said:

Conditions were improving here very rapidly up to the time Bryan was nominated and began to talk in public. The result of the announcement of his policy in regard to the Philippines was to put a stop to the important surrenders, which were steadily being made under the terms of the amnesty, and to bring about renewed hostilities through the worst districts here in Luzon.

We know absolutely, from captured correspondence, that this desperate effort to keep up a show of resistance is being made only

in the hope of influencing the election at home, and important insurgent leaders like Sindico say that, unless Bryan is elected or the war in China draws troops from these islands, they will give up their useless efforts in November. I therefore do not look for any general improvement in the situation until after the Presidential election; but, with that out of the way, I expect to see a speedy change for the better. At present the insurgents are resorting to that last resort of a failing cause, wholesale assassination. They are putting prices on the heads of men known to be friendly to the Americans, and are resorting to the most fiendish tortures and mutilations in order to influence the common people by fear.

The Gold Democrats did not make separate nominations in this campaign, and did not cut as conspicuous a figure as in the contest four years earlier. Their votes were divided, some supporting Bryan on other issues, and some voting for McKinley. Among those, who openly advocated McKinley's election were two members of President Cleveland's Cabinet: Postmaster General Don M. Dickinson, of Michigan, and J. Sterling Morton, of Nebraska, Secretary of Agriculture. James H. Eckles, Comptroller of the Currency under President Cleveland, was also quite active in the campaign for McKinley. On the 29th of October, Ex-President Cleveland wrote a letter to Don M. Dickinson, in which he referred to a speech made by him in April, 1897, saying that he could not suppress or abate from it, and would not if he could, and saying also that he should not object to any use which Mr. Dickinson might see fit to make of it. This was a speech in which Cleveland condemned the course of those who were sowing the seeds of discontent and cultivating a growth of sectional and class suspicion and distrust. He also regretted to see the remedy for supposed financial ills proposed in the free coinage of silver with a depreciated currency and cheap money. The reference to this speech showed plainly enough that Mr. Cleveland's sympathies in the pending campaign were against Mr. Bryan and his followers.

There were no October elections this year to furnish an indication of the drift of public sentiment. Oregon, in June, gave an unusually large Republican majority. Vermont and Maine, in September, gave majorities considerably smaller than those in 1896. But the careful canvass made by the Republican committees in various states indicated a triumph of very large proportions, and their most hopeful indications and prophecies were surpassed by the results. McKinley and Roosevelt carried every Northern State except Colorado, Idaho, Montana and Nevada, and in those the Bryan

majorities were much less than they were in 1896. Republican Electors were also chosen in Delaware, Maryland and West Virginia. The total Electoral vote was: For McKinley and Roosevelt, 295; Bryan and Stevenson, 152. The Republican plurality on the popular vote was nearly 900,000, being the largest ever given to any candidate. In Michigan Bryan carried only one County, and the highest Republican Elector had 105,168 plurality. The Republicans also elected a solid Congressional delegation as follows: (1) John B. Corliss; (2) Henry C. Smith; (3) Washington Gardner; (4) Edward L. Hamilton; (5) William Alden Smith; (6) Samuel W. Smith; (7) Edgar Weeks; (8) Joseph W. Fordney; (9) Roswell P. Bishop; (10) Rousseau O. Crump; (11) Archibald B. Darragh; (12) Carlos D. Shelden.

XL.

REPUBLICAN STATE CONVENTIONS.

The Executive Nominating Gatherings From 1856 to the Present Time-The Gubernatorial Candidates from Bingham to Bliss-A Long Roll of Public Spirited and Distinguished Men-A Number of Close and Interesting Contests-Ballots for the Head of the Ticket in Detail-Names of the Candidates for other Offices-A Series of Splendid Successes Broken by Only Two DefeatsTreatment of Public Questions by the Various Conventions—How the Magnificent Gathering of 1878 Met the Greenback Onslaught The Party's Treatment of the Temperance, Silver and Taxation Questions--Its Attitude in 1900.

In the second and third chapters of this publication an extended account is given of the various State gatherings out of which was evolved the Republican party of Michigan. The foundations were so well laid and the work of organization was so well done that, so far as its State Executive and Judicial tickets were concerned the party moved along the path of victory with no setbacks and with but little friction for more than a quarter of a century. The names of the candidates for Governor with details of the votes cast for that official and for Presidential Electors in the various contests, with the names of delegates to Republican National Conventions, and the names of all Electors chosen, are given under the appropriate chapters in the first volume of this work; but brief additional details of the different Conventions may be interesting.

The Convention of 1856 was held at Marshall, July 9, and was large, earnest and enthusiastic. The newly organized party had been triumphant in 1854, and was confident now. Fremont had been nominated for President, and the general campaign had opened with spirit. Among those present at this gathering were many who took part in the proceedings at Jackson two years earlier, and others who afterwards became prominent in State and National affairs.