their desires and their ambitions and embodied their patriotism and Americanism, was not second to that accorded the President's name. The vast assemblage sprang to its feet and State emblems, pampas plumes, handkerchiefs and hats fairly filled the air. The band in the main gallery began to play "There'll Be a Hot Time in the Old Town Tonight," and to the inspiring strains the delegates began marching around the hall, filing past Governor Roosevelt as he sat in the New York delegation and extending to him their congratulations. In the procession of standards after the nomination of Roosevelt was one of the women delegates from Utah, who presented him with a big bunch of roses, for which Governor Roosevelt returned a profound bow. Several of the Kansas delegates removed their beautiful silk sunflower badges and threw them upon Governor Roosevelt during the march of the delegates. The demonstration lasted nearly seven minutes, when the Chairman with difficulty restored order and recognized Butler Murray of Massachusetts for a speech seconding the nomination of Roosevelt. He spoke in behalf of "old New England," and elicited another demonstration for the rough rider candidate. An additional second was made by General James M. Ashton, of Washington, when loud calls arose for "Depew!" Response was made by Senator Chauncey M. Depew, of New York, who rounded out the speech-making of the Convention by an eloquent and witty address. In the course of his remarks he gave the following incidents of Colonel Roosevelt's career:

We call him Teddy. He was the child of New York City, the place that you, gentlemen from the West, think means "coupons, clubs, and eternal damnation for every one." Teddy--this child of Fifth avenue, he was the child of the clubs; he was the child of the exclusiveness of Harvard College; and he went West and became a cowboy and then he went into the Navy Department and became an Assistant Secretary. He gave an order, and the old chiefs of bureaus came to him and said: "Why, Colonel, there is no authority and no requisition to burn this pow der." "Well," said the Colonel, "we have got to get ready when war comes, and powder was manufactured to be burned." And the burning of that powder sunk Cervera's fleet outside of Santiago's harbor, and the fleet in Manila bay.

At Santiago a modest voice was heard, exceedingly polite, addressing a militia regiment, lying upon the ground, while Spanish bullets were flying over them. This voice said: "Get one side, gentlemen, please; one side, gentlemen, please, that my men can get out.” And when this polite man got his men out in the open where they

could face the bayonet, and face the bullet, there was a transformation, and the transformation was that the dude had become a cowboy, the cowboy had become a soldier, the soldier had become a hero, and, rushing up the hill, pistol in hand, the polite man shouted to the militiamen, lying down: "Give them hell, boys! Give them hell!"

Senator Depew also told, amidst great laughter and applause, a couple of stories, of which this is one:

There was a lady with her husband in Florida last winter, he was a consumptive, and she a strenuous and tumultuous woman. Her one remark was, as they sat on the piazza: "Stop coughing, John." John had a hemorrhage. The doctor said he must stay in bed six weeks. His tumultuous wife said: "Doctor, it is impossible. We are traveling on a time-limited ticket and we have got several more places to go to." So she carried him off. The next station they got to the poor man died, and the sympathetic hotel proprietor said: "Poor madam! What shall we do?" She said: "Box him up. I have got a time-limited ticket and several more places to go to.”

Now, we buried 16 to 1 in 1896. We put a monument over it weighing as many tons as the Sierra Nevadas when gold was put into the statutes by a Republican Congress and the signature of William McKinley. Colonel Bryan has been a body snatcher. He has got the corpse from under the monument, but it is dead. He has got it in its coffin, carrying it along, as did the bereaved widow, because he says: "I must. I must. I am wedded to this body of sin and death. I must. I must. Because I have a time-limited ticket which expires in November."

Senator Depew's remarks were followed by tumultuous applause and calls for "Roosevelt!" "Teddy!" "Roosevelt!" the roll of states was called, announcement was made that the vote was unanimous, 925 for Roosevelt, and with another burst of applause the serious work of the Convention ended.

XXXIX.

THE CAMPAIGN OF 1900.

Bryan's Supremacy in the Democratic Convention-He Is Absolute Dictator in Respect to the Platform-He Is the Candidate, Also, of the Populists and Silver Republicans-Adlai E. Stevenson and Charles A. Towne Nominated for Vice President-The Latter Reluctantly Withdraws-The Letters of Acceptance—Animated but One-Sided Campaign-The Imperialist Cry-Division of the Gold Democrats-A Decisive Victory for the Republican Ticket.

The Democratic National Convention which met in Kansas City, July 4, 1900, presented the remarkable spectacle of a great party with only one candidate considered available for the Presidency, and absolutely dominated, as to its platform, by that candidate. William Jennings Bryan, of Lincoln, Nebraska, had already been nominated for President at a National Convention of Populists, held at Sioux Falls, Iowa. It was understood that he was entirely acceptable to the Silver Republicans who were to meet in Kansas City at the same time that the Democratic Convention was held, and a large number of the State Conventions of the latter party had given him their indorsement. His nomination by acclamation was assured before the Convention met.

About the platform, however, there were two antagonistic opinions. The Democratic leaders and a large majority of the delegates favored, when they left home, the singing of the silver song in minor key. It was argued that Bryan, himself, stood sufficiently for the free coinage of silver at the ratio of 16 to 1, and that it was not necesssary to make that prominent in the platform; that a reassertion of that doctrine would further alienate the Gold Democrats who bolted the ticket four years earlier and that a much stronger fight could be made on an anti-imperialist, anti-trust platform. The believers in this theory advocated a simple reaffirmation of the Chi

cago platform of 1896, without specific mention of free coinage, or the 16 to 1 ratio. On the other hand it was argued that the Populist and Free Silver Republican alliance turned more upon this question than upon any other, and that if the platform was not explicit upon this subject, there would be a loss of votes from those allies; that the Gold Democrats were traitors anyway, having bolted four years ago and that the party ought not to sacrifice its convictions, beliefs nor policies in the hope of coaxing them back again.

This difference of opinion was a matter of serious discussion for some days before the Convention met, and there was much speculation as to what Bryan's wishes in the premises were. At last it was given out by men very close to him that he would have been content in the first place, with a simple reaffirmation of the Chicago platform, but that the Eastern Democrats, some of whom had just crawled back into the party, had already given the Silver question such prominence in their discussions, that nothing short of a definite declaration on the subject would answer. This was not accepted as final, and the ultimate belief was that Bryan could have his own way in the matter, but that he must say positively what he wanted. If he did this the Convention, however reluctantly, would accede to his wishes, and he must take the responsibility for the results.

Of the wishes of the Free Silver Republicans Senator Teller, of Colorado, left no doubt, and he was better entitled to speak for them than any other person. He said the demand for a simple reaffirmation of the Chicago platform without other reference to the financial question came from the Gold Democrats who did not support Bryan in 1896, and it was doubtful whether some who insist upon the pursuance of this course would support him in 1900. In many of the states west of the Alleghenies there were thousands of voters who would support Bryan and the Democratic party on account of their position on the financial question. These people believed in the free coinage of silver at the ratio of 16 to 1, and they would regard a simple reaffirmation of the Chicago declaration as an attempt to minimize the Silver question. They would not believe that such an omission was insisted upon by the Gold Standard Democrats for any other purpose than to make it appear that the contention for free silver coinage at 16 to 1 had been abandoned by the Democratic party.

It was with the whole matter, to a certain extent, in the air, that the Convention met at noon on the 4th of July. The purpose had been expressed by many of the leaders to push business along so

that they could celebrate Independence Day by nominating Bryan and adopting the platform. But no such blue fire and sky rocket method proved feasible, for the Committee on Resolutions were in session the whole afternoon and evening without coming to an agreement. In their absence the Convention did little except listen to the reading of the Declaration of Independence and to a long and tedious speech from its temporary Chairman, Governor Thomas, of Colorado, and a shorter but more spirited one from the permanent Chairman, James D. Richardson, of Tennessee. The Committee on Resolutions was very evenly divided on the 16 to 1 question, and it was given out at night that there would probably be two reports. Meantime Bryan came a little nearer giving his ultimatum. At least his most intimate friends conveyed the impression that unless there was a specific 16 to 1 declaration he would not accept the Democratic nomination, but would run on a separate Populist and Free Silver ticket. One significant event of the day was the refusal of the New York delegation to put David Bennett Hill on the Committee on Resolutions, a position which he much desired. The delegation was virtually controlled by Richard Croker, the Tammany Hall Sachem, whose course was dictated partly by the desire to humiliate Hill and partly to prevent Hill's making the strong fight which he purposed on the Silver question.

On the second day of the Convention the Committee on Resolutions, by a vote of 26 to 24, agreed upon a platform and a member of the Committee afterwards told how that and various other events came about:

Mr. Bryan knew that the so-called "Conservative" Democrats were after him. He feared that a Convention held in Chicago or Mil waukee or St. Louis or any City so far east could be packed with people opposed to a redeclaration for 16 to 1. Also with people opposed to William J. Bryan. He knew that a majority of the delegates were apt to be against silver, and that with congenial surroundings they might easily upset Mr. Bryan's ambitions. He would have preferred Omaha or Denver as the Convention City, but feared that the selection of either would be too palpable a Bryan move and therefore he chose Kansas City and its discomforts. Here he knew his Convention could be packed only with people friendly to himself. But his far-reaching designs did not end with the selection of a Western Convention City. Even here he knew the Convention was in danger of capture and a great many carefully planned details were arranged to keep the Bryan feeling at fever pitch.

It was by Bryan's instructions that July 4 was selected for the opening of the Convention, and he wanted very much to be nominated