settlement of the Missouri question in 1820, by which the tranquillity of the two sections was restored, a compromise binding upon all honorable men.

That it is also an open violation of the Compromise of 1850, by which, for the sake of peace, and to calm the distempered impulse of certain enemies of the Union and at the South, the North accepted and acquiesced in the odious Fugitive Slave Law of that year.

That it is also an undisguised and unmanly contempt of the pledge given to the country by the present dominant party at their National Convention in 1852, not to "agitate the subject of slavery in or out of Congress," being the same Convention which nominated Franklin Pierce to the Presidency.

That it is greatly injurious to the free states, and to the territories themselves, tending to retard the settlement and to prevent the improvement of the country by means of free labor, and to discourage foreign immigrants resorting thither for their homes.

That one of its principal aims is to give the slave states such a decided and practical preponderance in all the measures of government as shall reduce the North with all her industry, wealth and enterprise, to be the mere province of a few slave-holding oligarchs of the South-to a condition too shameful to be contemplated.

Because as openly avowed by its Southern friends, it is intended as an entering wedge to the still further augmentation of the slave power by the acquisition of the other territories, cursed with the same "leprosy."

RESOLVED, That the obnoxious measure to which we have alluded ought to be repealed, and a provision substituted for it, prohibiting slavery in said Territories, and each of them.

RESOLVED, That after this gross breach of faith and wanton affront to us as Northern men, we hold ourselves absolved from all "compromises," except those expressed in the Constitution, for the protection of slavery and slave-owners, that we now demand measures of protection and immunity for ourselves; and among them we demand the REPEAL OF THE FUGITIVE SLAVE LAW, and an Act to abolish slavery in the District of Columbia.

RESOLVED, That we notice without dismay certain popular indications by slaveholders on the frontier of said Territories of a purpose on their part to prevent by violence the settlement of the country by non-slaveholding men. To the latter we say: Be of good cheer, persevere in the right, remember the Republican motto, "THE NORTH WILL DEFEND YOU."

RESOLVED, That postponing and suspending all differences with regard to political economy or administrative policy, in view of the imminent danger that Kansas and Nebraska will be grasped by slavery, and a thousand miles of slave soil be thus interposed between

the free states of the Atlantic and those of the Pacific, we will act cordially and faithfully in unison to avert and repeal this gigantic wrong and shame.

RESOLVED, That in view of the necessity of battling for the first principles of Republican government, and against the schemes of aristocracy, the most revolting and oppressive with which the earth was ever cursed, or man debased, we will co-operate and be known as REPUBLICANS until the contest is terminated.

RESOLVED, That we earnestly recommend the calling of a general convention of the free states, and such of the slave-holding states, or portions thereof, as may desire to be there represented, with a view to the adoption of other more extended and effectual measures in resistance to the encroachments of slavery; and that a committee of five persons be appointed to correspond and co-operate with our friends in other states on the subject.

RESOLVED, That in relation to the domestic affairs of the State we urge a more economical administration of the government and a more rigid accountability of the public officers, a speedy payment of the balance of the public debt, and the lessening of the amount of taxation, a careful preservation of the primary school and university funds, and their diligent application to the great objects for which they were created, and also further legislation to prevent the unnecessary or imprudent sale of the lands belonging to the State.

RESOLVED, That in our opinion, the commercial wants require the enactment of a general railroad law, which, while it shall secure the investment and encourage the enterprise of stockholders, shall also guard and protect the rights of the public and of individuals, and that the preparation of such a measure requires the first talents of the State.

If these resolutions are mild one can imagine what Mr. Blair's pronouncement must have been. The difficulty of getting at the exact facts in relation to an incident of which a number of persons have a partial knowledge, is illustrated by the different accounts given of the naming of the party as it appears in the platform. George A. Fitch, of the Kalamazoo Telegraph, a natural political organizer, was in full accord with those, who, in its early stages, recognized the importance of a combination, in a new party and with a new name, of all the elements of opposition to the Pro-Slavery Democracy. Some of his associates in the local movements of the time, aver that he had a compact, made in writing, between leading Free Soilers and Liberal Whigs, for an independent organization and a division of the local nominations, and that several weeks prior to July 6, they gave the name Republican to the party in the compact. It is not known that Mr. Fitch himself, ever set up this claim.

C. V. DeLand, in a letter written October 21, 1898, made this statement of the matter: "The honor of naming the party belongs to Zephaniah B. Knight, of the Pontiac Gazette. He proposed it at the February conference and advocated it steadily. He was one of the Committee on Platform at the Jackson Convention, and moved its adoption by that Committee, and it was decided favorably by a vote of eleven for Republican to five for Union."

Joseph Warren, in whose life the Jackson Convention was the greatest event, and whose recollection of its details was quite minute, wrote as follows, in a letter June 30, 1879: "Having had some agency, as well in the naming and christening, as in the measures which led to the organization, of the Republican party, and claiming, therefore, to be familiar with the origin of its name and its application to the new party, the writer will briefly state the facts in regard to it. The honor of having named and christened the party, the writer has always claimed, and now insists, belongs jointly to Jacob M. Howard, Horace Greeley and himself. Soon after the writer began to advocate, through the columns of the Tribune, the organization of all opponents of slavery into a single party, Horace Greeley voluntarily opened a correspondence with him in regard to this movement, in which he frankly communicated his views, and gave him many valuable suggestions as to the wisest course to be pursued. This correspondence was necessarily very short, as it began and ended in June, it being only five weeks from the repeal of the Compromise to the Jackson Convention. In his last letter, received only a day or two before it was to assemble, Mr. Greeley suggested to him the name Republican. This met the writer's cordial approval, he gave Mr. Greeley's letter, containing the suggestion, to Mr. Howard, on the day of the Convention, after that gentleman had been appointed Chairman of the Committee on Resolutions, and strongly advised its adoption. This was done, the platform was adopted and the ticket nominated."

Jacob M. Howard's recollection of the incident, as told to his son, Hamilton G. Howard, is this: After the call for the Jackson Convention he drew up a series of resolutions which he thought suitable for adoption, but left the name of the new party blank. Meantime Mr. Warren had some correspondence with Horace Greeley on the subject of the Convention, and Mr. Greeley forwarded a set of resolutions, not knowing that Mr. Howard was engaged in the same work, and suggested the name, Democratic-Republican. At the Convention Mr. Howard's resolutions were reported by the Committee, of which he was Chairman. The matter of name came before the Convention in the form of a motion to insert the one proposed by Mr.

Greeley. Mr. Howard moved to amend by striking out the word Democratic, and his motion was adopted.

Although there has since been so much contention, both in and out of the State, over the honor of originating the name Republican, it is a curious fact that, at the time, but few of the papers which supported the ticket used that designation. The ticket was generally placed at the head of their columns without any name at all, or as the "Independent" ticket. The Democratic papers, on the contrary, and especially the Detroit Free Press, gave special prominence to the name, as though to

remind the Whigs that they had lost their identity as well as their distinctive organization.

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After the adoption of the platform, the Convention, still lowing out its Democratic methods, called upon the electors from the several Senatorial Districts to appoint a Nominating Committee of three members from each District. In three of the districts a less number was appointed, but the Committee as it was, consisted of eighty-eight members, a fair sized Convention of

JACOB M. HOWARD.

itself. The Committee of Sixteen appointed by the Kalamazoo Convention facilitated this work by formally withdrawing the ticket there nominated, but it was still felt that great discretion was needed in reference to dropping some of the names that were on that ticket. In regard to the nomination for Governor, there was no question. Kinsley S. Bingham, who had headed the former ticket, was an able and popular man, and his unselfish efforts to bring about the union of parties, even if it resulted in his own retirement, had endeared him to the Whigs, as well as to the Free Democrats, and his retention on the

ticket was unanimously assented to. George A. Coe, Whig, took the place of Nathan Pierce, for Lieutenant-Governor, and John McKinney, that of Lovell Moore, for Secretary of State; Silas M. Holmes for State Treasurer, and Seymour B. Treadwell for Commissioner of the State Land Office, were retained and Whitney Jones took the place of Philotus Hayden, for Auditor General. The nomination for Attorney General was a surprise. It had been generally expected that Hovey K. Clarke,who was on the old ticket, would be retained, but W. W. Murphy, of Jonesville, without giving any previous intimation of his purpose, in an adroit and earnest speech, proposed "Honest Jake Howard" for the place, and Mr. Howard was, against his own protest, placed on the ticket. This was completed by naming Ira Mayhew for Superintendent of Public Instruction, and John R. Kellogg and Hiram L. Miller, for Members of the State Board of Education. The Convention recognized the ticket proposed as a strong and representative one, and besides had confidence in its large Committee, whose action it ratified with unanimity and enthusiasm. Mr. Bingham was "rapturously called for," according to the official report, and "addressed the convention in a most happy manner. He was evidently affected by the distinguished favor which placed his name, unsolicited by him, in the paramount position it occupies as first on the ticket." With Mr. Bingham's speech the proceedings closed.

The actual business of the Convention called out but little discussion, as it was transacted mainly by the committees, and accepted by the larger body. But while waiting for the committees there were numerous speeches on the general character of the Anti-Slavery movement. While the Committee on Permanent Organization was out several speeches were made, among them one by Prof. Haven, afterwards President of Michigan University. During the long absence of the Committee on Resolutions there was a flow of oratory. Rev. Arthur St. Clair was called out, and Kinsley S., Bingham, always a favorite, made a stirring address, which was loudly applauded.

Among the Whigs who were reluctant to give up the old organization and name, was Zachariah Chandler, who had been a hard worker in the party, and in earlier times its candidate for Mayor of Detroit and Governor of the State. He was strong in his personal and party attachments, and it was not until after the Kalamazoo mass meeting that he fell in with the new movement. But having once decided, he went into it with characteristic zeal. He was at the Convention, and followed Mr. Bingham in a speech.

He gave a brief