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of the Chinese into this country. President Hayes vetoed the Bill because it abrogated the Burlingame treaty of 1868, without notice, and opened negotiations for a modification of the treaty. He appointed James B. Angell, President of Michigan University, John F. Swift, of California, and William Henry Trescott, of South Carolina, as Commissioners, to proceed to China for this purpose, Mr. Angell being at the same time appointed Minister to that Empire. The Commissioners negotiated a treaty covering this subject, and also one relating to the general commercial relations of the two countries. Both were ratified, and under the terms of the first, legislation was enacted which almost entirely suppressed Chinese immigration.

With the incoming of a Democratic majority in the House, and the approach of a similar majority in the Senate, the Southern wing of that party became very aggressive and several hot debates occurred over a flood of Southern war claims that were presented. But the most sensational and dramatic scene in Congress for many years was that in the Senate on the morning of March 3, 1879. Near the close of the second session of the Forty-fifth Congress a Bill was before the Senate making appropriations for arrearages of pensions. To this an amendment was offered extending to those who served in the war with Mexico the provisions of the existing law giving pensions to the surviving soldiers of 1812. To this a further amendment was offered excluding persons who served in the Confederate Army or held any office under the Confederacy from the benefits of this Bill. This amendment was defeated by the votes of the Democrats and two Southern Republicans. Another amendment was then offered by Senator Hoar excluding Jefferson Davis from the benefits of any Pension Bill.

Then followed some remarkable utterances from Southern Senators. Senator Garland, of Arkansas, declared that Davis' record would "equal in history all Grecian fame and all Roman glory." Senator Maxey, of Texas, called him a "battle scarred, knightly gentleman." Senator Harris, of Tennessee, pronounced him "the peer of any Senator on this floor." Senator Coke, of Texas, said: "I will not vote to discriminate against Mr. Davis, for I was just as much a rebel as he." Senator Lamar, of Mississippi, considered the proposi tion "a wanton insult," springing from "hate, bitter, malignant sectional feeling, and a sense of personal impunity," and added: "The only difference between myself and Jefferson Davis is that his

exalted character, his pre-eminent talents, his well-established reputation as a statesman, as a patriot, and as a soldier, enabled him to take the lead in a cause to which I consecrated myself." He further said that Davis' motives were "as sacred and noble as ever inspired the breast of a Hampden or a Washington." Senator Ransom, of North Carolina, said: "I shall not dwell upon Mr. Davis' public services as an American soldier and statesman. He belongs to history, as does that cause to which he gave all the ability of his great nature.” The Republican Senators who made objection to this apotheosis of unrepentant treason did so, for the most part, in remonstrance rather than in denunciation. The whole debate was a reminder of the days, in the early fifties, when the Southern Senators and Representatives were wont to crack the whip over the heads of their associates from the North. The debate had lasted over two hours, when, about half past three in the morning, William E. Chandler, of New Hampshire, who was listening to the discussion, said to Senator E. H. Rollins: "Tell Zach Chandler that he is the man to call Jeff Davis a traitor." Senator Chandler received the message with a nod, and as soon as he could obtain the floor, said, with great solemnity and emphasis:

Mr. President, twenty-two years ago to-morrow, in the old Hall of the Senate, now occupied by the Supreme Court of the United States, I, in company with Mr. Jefferson Davis, stood up and swore before Almighty God, that I would support the Constitution of the United States. Mr. Jefferson Davis came from the Cabinet of Franklin Pierce into the Senate of the United States and took the oath with me, to be faithful to this Government. During four years I sat in this body with Mr. Jefferson Davis, and saw the preparations going on, from day to day, for the overthrow of this Government. With treason in his heart and perjury on his lips he took the oath to sustain the Government that he meant to overthrow.

Sir, there was method in that madness. He, in co-operation with other men from his section, and in the Cabinet of Mr. Buchanan, made careful preparation for the event that was to follow. Your armies were scattered all over this broad land, where they could not be used in an emergency; your fleets were scattered wherever the winds blew and water found to float them, where they could not be used to put down rebellion; your Treasury was depleted, until your bonds, bearing six per cent., principal and interest payable in coin, were sold for eighty-eight cents on the dollar, for current expenses. Preparations were carefully made. Your arms were sold under an apparently innocent clause in an Army Bill, providing that the Secretary of War

might, at his discretion, sell such arms as he deemed it for the interest of the Government to sell.

Sir, eighteen years ago last month, I sat in these halls and listened to Jefferson Davis delivering his farewell address, informing us what our Constitutional duties to this Government were; and then he left, and entered into the Rebellion to overthrow the Government that he

had sworn to support. I remained here, Sir, during the whole of that terrible Rebellion. I saw our brave soldiers by thousands and hundreds of thousands, aye, I might say millions, pass through to the theater of war, and I saw their shattered ranks return; I saw steamboat after steamboat, and railroad train after railroad train, arrive with the maimed and the wounded; I was with my friend from Rhode Island (Mr. Burnside) when he commanded the Army of the Potomac. and saw piles of legs and arms that made humanity shudder; I saw the widow and the orphan in their homes, and heard the weeping and wailing of those who had lost their dearest and best. Mr. President. I little thought, at that time, that I should live to hear in the Senate of the United States eulogies upon Jefferson Davis living—a living rebel eulogized on the floor of the Senate of the United States.

Sir, I am amazed to hear it; and I can tell the gentlemen on the other side that they little know the spirit of the North when they come here at this day, and with bravado on their lips, utter eulogies on a man whom every man, woman and child in the North believes to have been a double-dyed traitor to his Government.

From the beginning to the end of this speech it was listened to intently by all within hearing, and as Mr. Chandler brought out with resonant tone the closing words, “a double-dyed traitor to his Government," a round of applause came from the galleries, which the presiding officer could not check. No attempt was made to answer Mr. Chandler, but after a few minutes of embarrassing silence, Senator Thurman began to speak on another branch of the subject. When it came to a vote Senator Hoar's amendment carried by one majority, but the whole amendment, as so modified, was rejected. The Southern Senators would not give to the loyal veterans of the Mexican war the benefits of the measure, unless Jeff Davis could share with them.

XXVI.

THE SEVENTH REPUBLICAN CONVENTION.

The Ancient Quarrel Between Blaine and Conkling-Its Effect on the Convention of 1880-Unsuccessful Attempt to Enforce the Unit Rule The Three Next Republican Presidents in the Convention -Sharp Debate Between Senator Conkling and the West Vir ginia Members-Important Amendment to the Rules-The Platform Adopted Conkling's Great Speech in Nomination of Grant-The Nomination of Garfield-Conkling's Motion to Make it Unanimous-Supported by General Logan-General Arthur Nominated for Vice-President-The Exciting Convention Closes With Apparent Good Feeling.

The campaign of 1880 was approached by the Republicans under circumstances different from any which had preceded it since the party was organized. James G. Blaine was unquestionably the choice of a majority of the Republicans in the country for the nomination, but he had enemies among the party leaders who were influential in their own states. The most bitter of these was Senator Conkling, of New York, with whom Blaine had a personal controversy on the floor of the House many years before. In 1866, General Grant, then in command of the Army, gave an opinion that there was no further need of the office of Provost Marshal General, and when the Army Bill came before the House, soon afterwards, Mr. Conkling moved to strike out the section making an appropriation for that office. In the course of his remarks he assailed General James B. Fry, who then held that position, in a manner that was offensively personal and abusive. General Fry, in retaliation, sent to Mr. Blaine a letter attacking Mr. Conkling in turn, and Mr. Blaine read the letter in the House. Mr. Conkling, while a Member of Congress had been assigned, in the capacity of Judge Advocate to the prosecution of Major Haddock, an Army officer, and the trial of certain "bounty jumpers." In his letter to Blaine, General Fry charged that Conk

ling had, improperly if not illegally, received a fee for the prosecution of Major Haddock; that, in the discharge of his duties, he had not acted in good faith, and had prevented the prosecution of deserters. at Utica; and that he had notified the War Department that the Provost Marshal in Western New York needed legal advice, and thus secured an appointment for himself. A discussion followed the reading of this letter, and it became exceedingly personal between Conkling and Blaine. Among other things the passage which gave Conkling as great offense as any, was that in which Blaine referred to his pompous manner, to his vanity about his personal appearance, and the curled front lock which he always wore, and compared him to a turkey-cock strutting about the floor of the House.

At Conkling's request a committee was appointed to investigate the charges of General Fry. That committee reported a series of resolutions exonerating Conkling and condemning Fry, the most important resolution being as follows: "That all the statements made in the letter of General James B. Fry to Hon. James G. Blaine. a Member of this House, in so far as such statements impute to the Hon. Roscoe Conkling, a Member of this House, any criminal, illegal, unpatriotic, or otherwise improper conduct, or motives, either as to the matter of his procuring himself to be employed by the Government of the United States in the prosecution of military offenses in the State of New York, in the management of such prosecutions, in taking compensation therefor, or in any other charge, are wholly without foundation or truth, and, for their publication there were, in the judgment of this House, no facts connected with said prosecutions furnishing either a palliative or an excuse."

From that time until Conkling's death there was open enmity between the two, and Conkling, at least, omitted no opportunity to show his dislike, either in small or great affairs. The writer recalls an incident in the Senate illustrative of this. Blaine had been speaking upon a Bill for distributing the proceeds of the Alabama award. When Conkling rose to reply he turned his back upon Blaine, though in order to do this he had to turn his side toward the presiding officer, and addressing the ceiling more than anything else, commenced with: "A suggestion has reached my ear." He then went on to point out with fine scorn what he considered weak points in Blaine's argument, without, however, making any direct reference. to the Senator from Maine. Conkling's enmity to Blaine seems to have become a consuming passion, and he indulged it even at the

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