crats and 5 members who were elected as Republicans, but classed as Unionists at the time. The Senate amended it and passed it as an ended, June 8, by 33 yeas, all Republicans; nays 11, of whom 7 were Democrats, the other four being the Unionists Cowan, Doolittle, Norton and Van Winkle. As amended it again passed the House by a vote of 138 yeas, all Republicans, to 36 nays, all Democrats. It was finally submitted to the States, June 16, 1866. The first states to ratify it were Connecticut, June 30, and New Hampshire, July 7. Tennessee followed, July 19, whereupon Congress promptly restored that State to the Union, and her Senators and Representatives were seated July 28. It was nearly two years before any other of the seceded states accepted the Amendment, though it was ratified by most of the Northern States as soon as their Legislatures met.

The other great measures of this Congress were the Tenure of Office Act, passed at the second session, and intended to prevent President Johnson from making wholesale removals from office in order to make places for his friends, the Act Establishing the Freedmen's Bureau, and the Civil Rights Act. The latter was designed to confer upon the blacks all the civil rights enjoyed by the white men except that of suffrage, to give them equality in all things before the law, and to nullify every State law, North or South, that was in conflict with the Federal statutes. The bill passed the Senate with only two Republican votes against it, Senators Doolittle and Norton. When it came to the question of passing it over the veto it had a narrow escape in the Senate, for Senators Lane and VanWinkle joined the Johnson forces, and the vote stood 33 to 15. Senator Dixon, of Connecticut, who would have voted with the President, was absent on account of illness, and Senator Stockton, of New Jersey, who would have voted the same way, had very recently been expelled. Their presence would have reversed the decision. That was as near as the President came to getting any satisfaction out of the Thirty-ninth Congress.

Other Acts passed at the second session of the Thirty-ninth Congress were as follows: Giving colored men the right to vote in the District of Columbia and in the territories; repealing the authority of the President to proclaim amnesty and pardon conferred by Section 13 of the Act of July 17, 1862; providing penalties for forging public securities; amending the course of procedure in habeas corpus proceedings and establishing a uniform system of bankruptcy.

XVI.

THE IMPEACHING CONGRESS.

The Elections of 1866-The Arm-in-Arm Convention in Philadelphia -A Serious Movement Turned to Ridicule-Conventions of Southern Loyalists and Northern Republicans-A Powerful Address to the Country by the Former-The President's "Swing Around the Circle"-Administration and Anti-Administration Soldiers' and Sailors' Conventions-Large Republican Majority in the New Congress-Johnson's Numerous Vetoes-Charges and Articles of Impeachment-Attempt to Force Secretary Stanton Out of Office Impeachment Renewed-Trial of the Case and Benefits Therefrom-The Fifteenth Amendment.

For an off year the campaign of 1866 was exciting and in some respects it was unique. The Johnson and the Congressional plans of Reconstruction were squarely before the people, and they presented the sole issue in the Congressional elections. It was hoped, before the campaign opened, that a combination might be made between the Johnson Republicans and the Democrats that would control the Fortieth Congress. President Johnson had been doing his best, though not very successfully, through that powerful instrument, the Federal patronage, to build up a party, and he was in hopes that if the combination succeeded in 1866 it might open the way for his re-election in 1868. It is not likely that the Democrats had any idea of playing into Johnson's hands, but if they could divide the Republican party they could themselves reap the benefit in the next election.

The first move looking toward such a combination was the famous "Arm-in-Arm" Convention in Philadelphia, August 14, 1866. It was intended to bring together, in fraternal union, leading Johnson Republicans and Democrats, North and South, and to effect a complete fusion. With the Republicans it was an assertion of the JohnsonSeward plans against the Sumner-Stevens-Wade leadership. With the Democrats, it was the search for an ally. For the use of the

Convention a wigwam, calculated to accommodate ten thousand persons, was erected on Girard avenue, near Twentieth street. The white man's troubles began with the construction of the wigwam. A bitter campaign was on for the election of Governor and other State officers, and the feeling was running high, particularly in Philadelphia. Besides that, the old war feeling had been aroused by Johnson's furious speeches. A lot of the young fighting Republicans, including, especially, the boys in the Volunteer Fire Department, who were always ready either for a fight or a fire, resented this "Rebel invasion of Philadelphia," this "contamination of the pupils of Girard College." They threatened that the wigwam should never be completed, or if completed, that it should be burned down before it was occupied. These threats were so frequent, that, though no attempt to burn the wigwam was made, the Mayor still feared a riot. the opening day of the Convention, as a precautionary measure, he had in readiness for service, in addition to the police, a large force of Militia. The feeling of the young Republicans was directed especially against Clement L. Vallandigham, whom they regarded as the incarnation of Northern treason, Fernando Wood, and Isaiah Rynders, of New York City. These men finally submitted to the demand that they should not be seen at the wigwam, and that particular cause of disturbance was removed. The threats gradually diminished, and there was no disturbance of any kind.

On

The opening of the Convention was planned with a view to dramatic effect, The delegates went in, arm-in-arm, and the aim was to bring those who had formerly been of different politics together. Ten years before James L. Orr, of South Carolina, had been conspicuous as the Speaker of the House at Washington; he had been swept into the Secession movement and he had been eminent in the Confederate civil service. On the other hand, Darius N. Couch, of Massachus etts, had served throughout the four years of the war with signal gallantry as a Union officer, and had risen to the rank of a Major General of Volunteers. These two men were chosen to lead the march of the delegates; the one representing the Bay State, the other the Palmetto State, as symbolic of bringing together the extremes of the lately shattered Union, and they advanced up the aisle to the alternate music of "Dixie” and “Yankee Doodle." Other similar pairs of extremes were effected, and in the procession there were men of every shade and variety of political belief and association, insomuch that the Republicans compared the grand entry to the Biblical

description of the advent into the Ark of "clean beasts and of beasts that are not clean, and of fowls and of everything that creepeth upon the earth."

General Dix, of "shoot-him-on-the-spot" fame, an old Democrat, was the temporary Chairman, and Senator James R. Doolittle, one of the pioneer Republicans, was permanent Chairman. Of the grand aggregation of attractions, one of the City papers, in a review of it at a recent date, said: "The Arm-in-Arm Convention contained many statesmen who were either then or afterward eminent in the Democratic party. In the Girard avenue, wigwam during the three days' sessions sat, for example, Thomas A. Hendricks, of Indiana; Asa Packer, of Pennsylvania; Joel Parker, of New Jersey; James E. English, of Connecticut; Sanford E. Church, of New York; Reverdy Johnson, of Maryland, and James R. Doolittle, of Wisconsin, each of whom was afterward presented to one or more National Conventions as a candidate for the Democratic nomination for the Presidency, while Samuel J. Tilden was there with no thought that in a few years the first great Democratic reaction after the Civil War would place him in the forefront of the party. The similitude of the animals that went into the ark was, indeed, justified in the strangely varying politi cal character and past record of the delegates, not a few of whom, however, were men of marked ability-Robert C. Winthrop, the onceillustrious Whig, and Judge Josiah G. Abbott, of Massachusetts; the late Edward J. Phelps, of Vermont, Cleveland's first Minister to England; James Brooks, of the New York Express; John P. Stock ton, Ashbel Green and Abraham Browning, of New Jersey; the veteran Thurlow Weed, of New York, with Seward's Republican friends, like Henry J. Raymond, of the New York Times; Montgomery Blair, Lincoln's first Postmaster General; Garrett Davis, of Kentucky; William A. Graham, of North Carolina, who was a candidate for Vice-President in 1852, on the Whig ticket; Senator James W. McDougall, of California; James A. Broadhead, of Missouri, and William S. Groesbeck, of Ohio, who afterwards was conspicuous as one of Johnson's defenders in the impeachment trial. There, too. were such characters as Henry Clay Dean, the eccentric Copperhead, and E. O. Perrin, whose vast voice until his death gave him distinction as the only Democrat in the country who could fill the place of Reading Clerk in Presidential Conventions. Edgar Cowan, who at that time was Charles R. Buckalew's colleague in the United States Senate from Pennsylvania, and who had gone out of the Republican

party into the Johnson ranks, was one of the leading spirits of the Convention, and with him were such noted Pennsylvanians of the day as William Bigler, Francis W. Hughes, David R. Porter, George W. Woodward, Heister Clymer, James Campbell and Thomas B. Florence."

The Convention was in session three days, and accomplished nothing. It was as great a fiasco as any in American politics. On account of the name of its Chairman, the Republicans dubbed it the "Didlittle Convention.”

A fortnight later two other Conventions were held in Philadel phia, which were much more significant. One was composed entirely of Southern Loyalists, and the other of prominent Northern RepubliThey met separately, though they were in entire accord in sentiment and action. In the Northern Convention were most of the prominent Senators and Representatives, a number of Governors, many active Republicans in private life, and a good sprinkling of newspaper editors, including John W. Forney, of the Philadelphia Press, Carl Schurz, of the Detroit Post, and Horace Greeley, of the New York Tribune. Greeley rather lost caste with the party by his vagaries during the war, and the New York Times came to be regarded as the leading Republican paper in the country. Now, by its adherence to the Johnson-Seward party, the Times had lost prestige, and the Tribune was restored to its supremacy. In addition to the classes mentioned the Northern Convention contained a number of delegations of business men who never took active part in politics, unless in some important crisis. John Jacob Astor headed such a delegation from New York, and E. W. Fox from St. Louis. Governor Curtin, of Pennsylvania, presided and the speeches and resolutions breathed a spirit of determined resistance to Johnson and his policy. The Convention was followed by the most imposing mass meetings ever, up to that time, held in the City.

The Southern Convention carried greater weight even than the Northern, because it represented men who had been loyal in sections where loyalty was maintained at personal sacrifice, and because it represented those portions of the country which were most directly interested in the Reconstruction problem. "Parson" Brownlow, of Tennessee, one of the most courageous and active of Southern Unionists, John Minor Botts, of Virginia, and Andrew J. Hamilton, of Texas, the only one of Johnson's Provisional Governors who accomplished much toward the rehabilitation of his State, were among