President for sacrificing the slaves out of deference to the wishes of people in the border states. Many of the loyal people at the North were disheartened at the military reverses and slow progress of the Union armies, and were losing confidence in the ability of the Administration to successfully carry on the war. Maine, which in 1860 had given Lincoln 26,694 majority over all others, now gave a Republican plurality of only about 4,000. In Ohio the popular majority against the Administration was about 7,000, and the Democrats elected 14 out of 19 Congressmen. In Indiana they elected 8 of the 11. In Pennsylvania they had a majority of 4,000, half the Congressmen and a majority in the Legislature, which afterwards chose Charles R. Buckalew to the Senate. In November New York changed its 50,000 clear majority for Lincoln in 1860, to a majority of 10,000 for Horatio Seymour, Democrat, for Governor. New Jersey chose Joel Parker, a Democrat, for Governor, and the Republicans elected only one Congressman. Lincoln's own State chose a Democratic Legislature, which elected William A. Richardson to the Senate. In Michigan Governor Blair's majority of 20,585 in 1860, was reduced to 6,614 in 1862, and for the first time since the Republican party was organized the Democrats elected a Congressman in this State, the delegation consisting of Augustus C. Baldwin, Democrat, and the following Republicans: Fernando C. Beaman, John F. Driggs, Francis W. Kellogg, John W. Longyear and Chas Upson. Massachusetts did

better, and Iowa, Kansas, Minnesota, California and Oregon sent unanimous Republican delegations to Congress. But it was the border states of Delaware, Missouri, Maryland, West Virginia and Kentucky, that saved the House to the Republican party and gave reason to believe that Mr. Lincoln's deference to their opinions, and solicitude for their wellfare, had not been such a mistake in judgment after all.

Although this Congress had a much smaller Republican majority than its immediate predecessor, its relations with the President were much more cordial. It was not as industrious as the Thirty-seventh Congress, but the two together, outrank in important legislation any other four years of Congressional history. They built a new navy, and they provided means for raising, equipping and sustaining vast armies, the cost of these added to the regular expenses of the Government sometimes amounting to $3,000,000 a day. Besides this, in addition to the more important acts of legislation already specifically mentioned, the following measures were adopted: Enabling acts

looking toward the admission of Nevada, California and Nebraska to statehood; confiscating property used for insurrectionary purposes; providing for the punishment of treason; granting lands for the estab lishment of Agricultural Colleges, and establishing the Department of Agriculture at Washington; punishing polygamy; providing for the return of dead letters except where the contents are clearly worthless; authorizing the President to take charge of railroads and telegraph lines, when public safety requires it; prohibiting the Coolie trade in American vessels; carrying into effect the treaty of Great Britain for suppressing the slave trade; admitting West Virginia as a State; organizing the Territories of Idaho, Montana and Arizona; revising the post office laws and reducing the rates of postage; authorizing the President to suspend the privilege of the writ of habeas corpus whenever he shall deem it necessary; granting lands for a number of railroads running through Kansas, and other Western states and territories; prohibiting the sale or gift of spirituous liquors to Indians; inaugurating the postal money order system; providing for a National currency, and establishing a separate bureau to execute all laws relating to it; encouraging immigration; enlarging the scope of the pension laws; providing for revenue cutters on the lakes; providing for mail steamship service between the United States and Japan; levying direct taxes on the insurrectionary states and estab lishing a bureau for the care of freedmen refugees and abandoned lands.

The only serious danger of complications with any foreign power was in 1861, when Commodore Wilkes detained the British steamer Trent on the high seas, and took from her the Rebel Commissioners Mason and Slidell. To the British protest against this a prompt response was made, disavowing the act and returning the prisoners to British jurisdiction. In making the surrender, Secretary Seward wrote a very polite note, in which he fully concurred in the advanced position which the British Government had now taken, and stating that it was the position which this Government had always maintained.. He thus adroitly not only satisfied the demand made by the British Government, but put that Government in the wrong, in the claim which it had maintained for sixty years, of the right of search and seizure on the high seas, a claim, which more than any other single thing had led to the War of 1812.

XI.

PRESIDENT LINCOLN'S RENOMINATION.

His Own Attitude Toward the Question-Elements of Hostility to Him-The Pomeroy Circular and the Chase Movement-The Union Republican Convention and the Nomination of Fremont-A Feeler Put Out for General Grant—The Baltimore Convention— Lincoln Renominated by Acclamation on a Strong PlatformHe Secures the Nomination of Andrew Johnson for Vice-President.

In the minds of "the plain people" Mr. Lincoln occupied a far different position in 1864 from that which he held when they expressed their want of confidence in his Administration at the elections in 1862. In that year the Union armies had suffered almost continuous defeat. In 1864 they had gained many notable victories, and although the full significance of Grant's strategy was not understood at the time, there was a quite general confidence that our armies were on the road to ultimate if not speedy success. In 1862 there was great dissatisfaction at what was considered Lincoln's dilatory and uncertain treatment of the slavery question. Now it was seen that his course had been eminently sagacious and prudent. He had secured ultimate

emancipation, without driving off the border states.

The diplomatic affairs of the country, in two or three cases of a very delicate nature, had been admirably handled, and not only foreign intervention, but foreign recognition of the Confederacy had been avoided, and the belief in Mr. Lincoln's sagacity, patriotism, and sincere and unselfish devotion to the Union had become almost universal.

Of his own attitude toward a renomination, an interesting glimpse is given in an article written by J. M. Winchell for the Galaxy four or five years after the war. Mr. Winchell had, on previous occasions, had two long interviews with Mr. Lincoln on public affairs, and in the spring of 1864 went to see him about a personal matter, connected with the coming campaign. He wrote in his account of the interview:

Mr. Lincoln received me, as ever, kindly and courteously; but his manner was quite changed. It was not now the country about which his anxiety prevailed, but himself. There was an embarrassment

about him which he could not quite conceal. I thought it proper to state in the outset that I wished simply to know whatever he was free to tell me in regard to his own willingness or unwillingness to accept a renomination, and also as to the extent to which a Senator who had referred me to him, was authorized to speak for him. The reply was a monologue of an hour's duration, and one that wholly absorbed me, as it seemed to absorb himself. There was very little for me to say, and I was only too willing to listen.

He remained seated nearly all the time. He was restless, often changing position, and occasionally, in some intense moment, wheeling his body around in his chair, and throwing a leg over the arm. This was the only grotesque thing I recollect about him; his voice and manner were very earnest, and he uttered no jokes, and told no anecdotes.

He began by saying that, as yet, he was not a candidate for renomination. He distinctly denied that he was a party to any effort to that end, notwithstanding I knew that there were movements in his favor in all parts of the Northern states. These movements were, of course, without his prompting, as he positively assured me that, with one or two exceptions, he had scarcely conversed on the subject with his most intimate friends. He was not quite sure whether he desired a renomination. Such had been the responsibility of the office—so oppressive had he found its cares, so terrible its perplexities—that he felt as though the moment when he could relinquish the burden and retire to private life would be the sweetest he could possibly experience. But, he said, he would not deny that a re-election would also have its gratification to his feelings. He did not seek it, nor would he do so; he did not desire it for any ambitious or selfish purpose; but, after the crisis the country was passing through under his presidency, and the efforts he had made conscientiously to discharge the duties imposed upon him, it would be a very sweet satisfaction to him to know that he had secured the approval of his fellow-citizens, and earned the highest testimonial of confidence they could bestow.

This was the gist of the hour's monologue; and I believe he spoke sincerely. His voice, his manner, armed his modest and sensible words with a power of conviction. He seldom looked me in the face while he was talking; he seemed almost to be gazing into the future. I am sure it was not a pleasant thing for him to seem to be speaking in his own interest.

But whatever Mr. Lincoln's mental attitude was at that time, he was, before the Convention met, an avowed candidate for the Presidency, and it became known to many of his intimate friends that he desired also to name the candidate for the Vice-Presidency.

While the people were generally for him, many of the politicians, either through personal ambition, or on account of fancied personal slights, or from a belief that a change would be better for the country, were opposed to him. Horace Greeley, who had been, alternately, an impertinent adviser and a captious critic, was working as hard against Lincoln now as he was against Seward in 1860, but his utterances, and those of his paper, had ceased to have great weight. An exhibition of hostility that at first appeared more formidable, was the "Pomeroy Circular," which was issued in February in the interest of Secretary Chase, who

had, ever since 1860, cherished the ambition of being Mr. Lincoln's successor. The circular is said to have been written by J. M. Winchell, who sought the interview with Lincoln, from which an extract is given above, but it was signed by Senator Samuel C. Pomeroy, of Kansas, as Secretary of

secretly organized committee of Mr. Chase's friends.

The

circular accused the friends of President Lincoln of using party and the machinery of official influence to

SAMUEL C. POMEROY.

secure the perpetuation of the present Administration, and it was asserted that "those who conscientiously believe that the interests of the country and of freedom demand a change in favor of vigor and purity and nationality, have no choice but to appeal at once to the people, before it is too late to secure a fair discussion of principles." It called for "counteraction on the part of those unconditional friends of the Union who differ from the policy of the Administration, and ended with five conclusions, of which the first four were as follows: