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Colonel, Adrain R. Root; Major, William H. | country. I have no words to utter, or rather Drew; Adjutant, Charles W. Sternberg; Chaplain, John E. Robie; Surgeon, Chas. H. Wilcox; Assistant Surgeon, Joseph A. Peters; Quartermaster, Henry P. Clinton.

Captains:-Robert P. Gardner, Henry M. Gaylord, Jeremiah P. Washburn, William C. Alberger, James C. Strong, George D. W. Clinton, Edward L. Lee, Edward L. Hayne, Horace G. Thomas, and John M. Layton.

National Intelligencer, June 20.

Doc. 21.

SENATOR JOHNSON'S SPEECHI,

AT CINCINNATI, O., JUNE 19. FELLOW-CITIZENS:-In reply to the cordial welcome which has just been tendered to me, through your chosen organ-in reply to what has been said by the gentleman chosen by you to bid me welcome to Cincinnati—I have not language adequate to express my feelings of gratitude. I cannot find language to thank you for the tender of good fellowship which has been made to me on the present occasion. I came here without any expectation that such a reception was in store for me. I had no expectation of being received and welcomed in the language, I may say the eloquent and forcible language of your chosen organ. I am deserving of no such tender.

I might conclude what little I am going to say by merely responding to, and endorsing every single sentence uttered on this occasion in welcoming me in your midst. (Applause.)

I have words which will not give utterance to the feelings that I entertain on this occasion. (Applause.) I feel, to-day, a confidence, in my own bosom, that the cordiality and the sympathy and the response that comes here from the people of Ohio is heartfelt and sincere. I feel that in reference to the great question now before the people, those whom I see before me are honest and sincere. (Applause.) I repeat again, and for the third time, that I have no language in which I can express my gratitude to you, and at the same time, for which I can express my devotion to the principles of the Constitution and the flag and emblem of our glorious Union of States. (Applause.)

I know that there has been much said about the North, much said about the South. I am proud, here to-day, to hear the sentiments and the language which have been uttered in reference to the North and the South, and the relations that exist between these two sections. (Applause.) I am glad to hear it said in such a place as this that the pending difficulties-I might say the existing war-which are now upon this country do not grow out of any animosity to the local institution of any section. (Applause.) I am glad to be assured that it grows out of a determination to maintain the glorious principles upon which the Government itself rests-the principles contained in the Constitution-and at the same time to rebuke and to bring back as far as may be practicable, within the pale of the Constitution, those individuals, or States even, who have taken it upon themselves to exercise a principle and doctrine at war with all government, with all association-political, moral, and religious. (Applause.)

For myself, I feel that while I am a citizen of a Southern State-a citizen of the South and of the State of Tennessee, I feel at the same time that I am also a citizen of the United I mean the doctrine of secession, which is States. (Applause.) Most cordially do I re- neither more nor less than a heresy-a fundaspond to what has been said in reference to the mental error-a political absurdity, coming in maintenance of the Constitution of the United conflict with all organized Government, with States, in all its bearings, in all its principles every thing that tends to preserve law and order therein contained. The Constitution of the in the United States, or wherever else the odious United States lays down the basis upon which and abominable doctrine may be attempted to the Union of all the States of this Confederacy be exercised. I look upon the doctrine of secan and may be maintained, and preserved, if cession as coming in conflict with all organism, it be literally and faithfully carried out. (Ap-moral and social. I repeat, without regard to plause.) So far as I am concerned, feeling that I am a citizen of the Union-that I am a citizen of the United States, I am willing to abide by that Constitution. I am willing to live under a Government that is built upon and perpetuated upon the principles laid down by the Constitution, which was formed by Washington and his compeers, after coming from the heat and strife of bloody revolution. (Applause.)

I repeat, again, that I have not language adequate to express my gratitude for the appreciation of the kindness which has been manifested in regard to my humble self. I cannot sufficiently thank you for the manifestation of your appreciation of the course I have pursued, in regard to the crisis which is now upon this

the peculiar institutions of the respective States composing this Confederacy; without regard to any Government that may be found in the future or exists in the present, this odious doctrine of secession should be crushed out, destroyed, and totally annihilated. No Government can stand, no religious, or moral, or social organization can stand, where this doctrine is tolerated. (Applause.) It is disintegration— universal dissolvement-making war upon every thing that has a tendency to promote and ameliorate the condition of the mass of mankind. (Applause.) Therefore I repeat, that this odious and abominable doctrine-you must pardon me for using a strong expression I do not say it in a profane sense-but this doctrine I conceive to be, hell-born and hell

bound, and one which will carry every thing in its train, unless it is arrested and crushed out from our midst. (Great Applause.)

In response to what has been said to me here to-day, I confess when I lay my hand upon my bosom, I feel gratified at hearing the sentiments that have been uttered-that we are all willing to stand up for the constitutional rights guaranteed to every State, every community-that we are all determined to stand up for the prerogatives secured to us in the Constitution as citizens of States composing one grand Confederacy, whether we belong to the North or to the South, to the East or to the West. I say that I am gratified to hear such sentiments uttered here to-day. I regard them as the most conclusive evidence that there is no disposition on the part of any citizens of the loyal States, to make war upon any peculiar institution of the South, (applause,) whether it be slavery or any thing else-leaving that institution, under the Constitution, to be controlled by time, circumstances, and the great laws which lie at the foundation of all things which political legislation can control. (Applause.)

While I am before you, my countrymen, I am in hopes it will not be considered out of place for me to make a single remark or two, in reference to myself as connected with the present crisis. My position in the Congress of the United States during its last session, is, I suppose, familiar to most, if not all of you. You know the doctrine I laid down then, and I can safely say that the opinions I entertain now on the questions of the day, are as they were then. I have not changed them. I have seen no reason to change them. I believe that a Government without the power to enforce its laws, made in conformity with the Constitution, is no Government at all. (Applause.) We have arrived at that point or that period in our national history, at which it has become necessary for this Government to say to the civilized, as well as to the pagan world, whether it is in reality a Government, or whether it is but a pretext for a Government. If it has power to preserve its existence, and to maintain the principles of the Constitution and the laws, that time has now arrived.

that States coming into the Confederacy, that individuals living in the Confederacy, under the Constitution, have no right nor authority, upon their own volition, to set the laws and the Constitution aside, and to bid defiance to the authority of the Government under which they live. (Applause.)

I substantially cited the best authority that could be produced upon this subject, and took this position during the last session of Congress. I stand here to-day before you and advocate the same principles I then contended for. As early as 1833, (let me here say that I am glad to find that the Committee which have waited upon me on this occasion, and have presented to me their sentiments through their organ-I am glad to find that they represent all the parties among which we have been divided ;)-as early as 1833, I say, I formned my opinions in reference to this doctrine of secession in the nullification of the laws of the United States. I held these doctrines up to the year 1850, and I maintain them still. (Applause.)

I entertained these opinions, as I remarked before, down to the latest sitting of Congress, and I then reiterated them. I entertain and express them here to-day. (Applause.)

In this connection, I may be permitted to remark that, during our last struggle for the Presidency, all parties contended for the preservation of the Union. Without going further back, what was that struggle? Senator Douglas of the State of Illinois was a candidate. His friends presented him as the best Union man. I shall speak upon this subject in reference to my position. Mr. Breckinridge's friends presented him to the people as the Union candidate. I was one of Mr. Breckinridge's friends. The Bell men presented the claims of the Hon. John Bell of Tennessee for the Presidency, upon the ground that he was the best Union candidate. The Republican party, so far as I understand them, have always been in favor of the Union. Then here was the contest; between four candidates presented to the consideration of the people of the United States. And the great struggle between them and their advocates was, who was entitled to pre-eminence as a man in favor of the preservation of the Union of these States.

If it is a Government, that authority should be asserted. I say, then, let the civilized world Now where do we find ourselves? In times see that we have a Government. Let us dispel gone by, you know we had our discussions and the delusion under which we have been laboring our quarrels. It was bank and anti-bank quessince the inauguration of the Government in tions, tariff and anti-tariff, internal improve1789-let us show that it is not an ephemeral ment and anti-internal improvement, or the institution; that we have not imagined that distribution of the money derived from the sale we had a Government, and when the test of public lands, among the several States. Such came, that the Government frittered away be- measures as these we presented to the people, tween our fingers and quickly faded in the dis- and the aim in the solution of all was how best tance. (Applause.) The time has come when to preserve the Union of these States. One the Government reared by our fathers should party favored the measures as calculated to assert itself, and give conclusive proof to the promote the welfare of our common country; civilized world that it is a reality and a perpe- another opposed them, to bring about the same tuity. (Applause.) Let us show to other na-result. Then what was the former contest? tions that this doctrine of secession is a heresy; Bringing it down to the present times, there

has been no disagreement between Republi- | secret session, the great mass of my own State cans, Bell men, Douglas men, and Breckinridge were not permitted even to put their ears to men, as regards the preservation of the Union

of States.

the keyhole, or to look through a crevice in the doors, to ascertain what was being done. A league with the Southern Confederacy has been formed, and the State has been handed over to the Southern Confederacy, with Jeff. Davis at its head. We, the people of Tennessee, have been handed over to this Confederacy, I say, like sheep in the shambles, bound hand and foot, to be disposed of as Jefferson Davis and his cohorts may think proper.

Now, however, these measures are all laid aside-all these party questions are left out of consideration, and the great question comes up whether the Constitution, as adopted by the old articles of Confederation and afterwards reaffirmed in the adoption of the Constitution of the United States-I say now, when the great question arises, involving the preservation and existence of the Government of the United This Ordinance was passed by the Convention States, I am proud to meet this vast concourse with a proviso that it should be submitted to of people, and hear them say they are willing the people. The Governor was authorized to to lay aside all party measures--all party con- raise 55,000 men. Money was appropriated to siderations, and come up to join in one frater- enable him to carry out this diabolical and nal hug to sustain the bright Stars and broad nefarious scheme, depriving the people of their Stripes of our glorious Union-all willing to rights, disposing of them as stock in the marunite, I repeat, in one fraternal hug-all will-ket-handing them over completely, body and ing to co-operate for the consummation of a sublime purpose, without regard to former party differences that we are all determined to stand fast by the Union of these States. (Applause.)

So far as I am concerned I am willing to say in this connection, that I am proud-I am gratified to stand here among you as one of the humble upholders and supporters of the Stars and Stripes that have been borne by Washington through a seven years' revolution-a bold and manly struggle for our independence-and separation from the mother country. That is my flag-that flag was borne by Washington in triumph. Under it I want to live, and under no other. It is that flag that has been borne in triumph by the Revolutionary fathers over every battle-field, when our brave men after toil and danger laid down and slept on the cold ground, with no covering but the inclement sky, and arose in the morning and renewed their march over the frozen ground, as the blood trickled from their feet-all to protect that banner, and bear it aloft triumphantly.

soul, to the Southern Confederacy.

Now you may talk about slaves and slavery, but in most instances when a slave changes his master, even he has the privilege of choosing whom he desires for his next master; but in this instance, the sovereign people of a free State have not been allowed the power or privilege of choosing the master they desired to serve. They have been given a master without their consent or advice. No trouble was taken to ascertain what their desires were-they were at once handed over to this Southern Confederacy.

Mr. Johnson here gave a statement of the provisions of the Tennessee secession ordinance, etc. The eastern portion of the State, he said, had rejected the ordinance by a large majority, and would always remain firmly opposed to it. He referred to the refusal of Gov. Harris to furnish arms to East Tennessee, unless the people would agree to fight for the State Government. Speaking of the persecution of the Union men in Tennessee, he said:

But while this contest has been going on, & I repeat that I am proud to be in your midst portion of our fellow-citizens have been stand-am amongst this vast number to uphold the ing up for the Constitution and the Union, and flag that was borne by Washington-the em- because they have dared to stand upon the blem of the Union of States. (Applause.) I great embattlement of constitutional liberties, have intimated that I should make some allu- exercising the freedom and the liberty of speech, sion to myself. I have indicated to you what a portion of our people have declared that we were my opinions and my views from 1838 are traitors; they have said that our fate was down to the moment I stand before you. With to be the fate of traitors; and that hemp was the facts in relation to the contest which took growing, and that the day of our execution was place recently in the State of Tennessee, you approaching-that the time would come when are all familiar. No longer ago than last February there was an extra session of the Legislature called. There was then a law passed authorizing a Convention to be called. The people of that State voted it down by a majority of sixty-four thousand.

those who dare stand by the Constitution and the principles therein embraced, would expiate their deeds upon the gallows.

We have met all these things. We have met them in open day. We have met them face to face-toe to toe-at least in one portion of the In a very short time afterwards, another ses- State. We have told them that the Constitusion of the Legislature was called. This legis- tion of the United States defines treason, and lature went into secret session in a very short that definition is, that treason against the United time. While the Southern Confederacy, or its States shall consist only in levying war against agents, had access to it, and were put in pos- the General Government of the United States. session of the doings and proceedings of this! We have told them that the time would come

Therefore, the Committee propose to this Association the following preamble and resolutions for their consideration and adoption:

when the principles of the Constitution and ] We hail with joy, with hope, and with rethe law defining treason would be maintained. sponsive devotion to a common cause, the exWe have told them that the time would come pression of these sacred and stern resolves as when the judiciary of the Government would the expression of "sentiments proper to the be sustained in a manner that it could define present crisis." what was treason under the Constitution and the law made in conformity with it, and that when defined, they would ascertain who were the traitors, and who it was that would stretch the hemp they had prepared for us. (Applause.) I know that in reference to myself and others, rewards have been offered, and it has been said that warrants have been issued for our arrest. Let me say to you here to-day, that I am no fugitive, especially no fugitive from justice. (Laughter.) If I were a fugitive, I would be a fugitive from tyranny-a fugitive from the reign of terror. But, thank God, the county in which I live, and that division of the State from which I hail, will record a vote of 25,000 against the secession ordinance. The county in which I live gave a majority of 2,007 against this odious, diabolical, nefarious, hell-born and hell-bound doctrine.

The speaker continued in a strain similar to the above for about fifteen minutes longer. He made many humorous allusions to the "bravery" of the secession soldiery, and wound up with a heart-stirring appeal for the preservation of the Union.

Doc. 22.

HUDSON RIVER BAPTIST ASSOCIATION,

REPORT AND RESOLUTIONS, JUNE 19. THE Committee appointed to consider the duties that pertain to our relation, as Christian citizens and Churches, to the nation at large and the Government that protects us, beg leave to report the following statement, preamble, and resolutions:

The letters from the churches that compose this Association have expressed in the most solemn manner their sense of painful bereavement caused by the departure of their brethren, fellow-worshippers and Sabbath-school teachers from their various fields of labor to the camp and the battle-field for the defence of our country against an armed rebellion that seeks the atter destruction of the Constitution that shelters us, and is aiming fatal blows at the foundations of all effective Government, of all righteous law, of all social order, and of national prosperity. At the same time these letters declare, without any exception, the fixed determination of our brethren, by means of every sacrifice that God may permit them to offer, to uphold our Federal Government in the deadly contest that has been ruthlessly forced upon it, until it shall have reestablished its supreme authority over every part of its domain, where that authority has been defied, and shall have caused our desecrated banner to wave again over every spot of earth whence the hand of treason may have displaced it.

Whereas, The Government of the United States, which was bequeathed to us by our Fathers, who established it by the sacrifice of treasure and of blood, for the protection of their own inalienable rights, and of the children that should come after them, and is now engaged in a struggle with banded and armed traitors for its very existence; and

Whereas, These men, the leaders of this war, having recognized the supreme authority of what is called "the Confederate States of America," have proclaimed, as the vital doctrine of their coalition, that "All Government begins with usurpation and is continued by force;

That nature puts the ruling element uppermost and the masses below, and subject to those elements;

That less than this is not a Government;

That the right to govern resides with a very small minority, and the duty to obey is inherent in the great mass of mankind;

And that man's right of property in man is the true corner-stone of a republic and of all permanent social prosperity;" therefore,

Resolved, That we solemnly abjure, denounce, and resist these doctrines as being essentially Anti-Christian, Pagan, barbarous, and inhuman.

Resolved, That we declare it to be our solemn conviction, as Christian men who take the word of God as our rule of faith and practice, that the cause which the Government of the United States is now sustaining by its arms is the cause of righteousness, of freedom, and of humanity, and that for its support we pledge our toils, our prayers, "our lives, our fortunes, and our sacred honor."

Resolved, That in the spontaneous uprising of twenty millions of people for the support and honor of our country's flag, we recognize not the working of a blind sentiment or unreasoning passion, but the outgust of a stronger, holier love, carrying the whole force of our moral nature with it, because it is nourished by those lofty and eternal ideas which emanate from the mind of God, which were enshrined in the religion of our Messiah's Cross, which are associated with the sacred rights, the elevation and the progress of our redeemed humanity; ideas that are dear to the heart of our enthroned Sovereign, to which we now devoutly pledge unalterable allegiance, while we adopt the words of the inspired Psalmist of Israel, "Thou hast given a banner to them that feared thee, that it may be displayed because of the truth."

Resolved, That while we desire peace and pray for peace as being in its nature an ines

timable blessing, nevertheless peace itself or compromise of any sort would be worse than all the ravages of war, if the enemies of our Government should so far prevail as to give the leading character to public opinion, or to a national policy; because such a state of things would separate us from the sympathies of Christendom, and bring down upon us the curses of every civilized community in Europe, in Asia, in Australia, and in the "Isles of the sea;" because the course of events has brought us to a crisis that is ultimate, beyond which there is no issue for which any party can make a stand in behalf of any idea that enfolds a hopeful future; and therefore better for us to perish now in the struggle for the eternal right than to experience the degradation of inglorious life, or the pangs of a lingering death, under that reign of terror which the enemies of our banner would be sure to inaugurate.

Resolved, That as Christian men we recognize the truly righteous character of this conflict; that while it may be properly regarded as a war for our nationality, or a war for the life of a constitutional Government, or for the maintenance of our flag, or as a war for the rights of the people against the usurpations of an oligarchy; nevertheless, beyond all these aims, we recognize the existence of a war waged for the absolute supremacy of a despotic earthly power on the one hand, against the rightful dominion of our Lord Jesus Christ, whose kingdom guarantees the inalienable and universal rights of our redeemed humanity, on the other.

Resolved, That, in view of the death of our Lord and Saviour for men of every rank and class, of every nation, tribe, "kith or kin," we regard the brotherhood of man, the moral and spiritual equality of all the races of men, as an essential doctrine of the Christian religion; that it rests like a sure corner-stone upon the foundation that God hath laid in Zion; that whosoever falleth upon that stone shall be broken; but upon whomsoever it shall fall it will grind him to powder.

Resolved, That in the patriotic devotion of the Christian women of our land we hail a "sign of the times" propitious of success, and while we remember that for many centuries in Europe the virtues of Christian womanhood have been a great barrier against the triumphs of Anti-Christian barbarism, we commend the cause of our country in its day of peril to the prayers and coöperation of the mothers and daughters of Israel, and to the cherished sympathies of every household.

Resolved, That we cherish a profound regard for the thousands of our brethren within the bounds of the Southern States who are loyal to the Government for which their fathers, as well as ours, sacrificed blood and treasure, and transmitted to all as a common heritage; and while many of them may have been deceived by prevailing misrepresentations in respect to the sentiments we cherish towards them, and while all of them are prevented from realizing

in action their personal convictions of truth and duty, we extend to them the assurances of our fraternal confidence and of our continuance in prayer that God would soon appear for their deliverance, so that the bonds which have united us in former days may be strengthened by the fiery trials through which they shall have passed.

Resolved, That the Churches connected with this Association be requested to set apart the last Friday of June as a day of solemn humiliation and prayer for the reestablishment of our National Union in peace and prosperity.

Doc. 23.

SECOND RHODE ISLAND REGIMENT. THE following are the principal officers of the Second Regiment :

John Slocum, Colonel; C. S. Robbins, Lieutenant-Colonel; Sullivan Ballou, Major; Sam'l J. Smith, Adjutant; Albert Eddy, (Second Lieutenant) Acting Adjutant; James Aborn, Quartermaster; Francis L. Wheaton, Surgeon; Rev. Mr. Jamison, Chaplain.

CAPTAINS AND COMPANIES.

Co. A-Cyrus Dyer. Co. B-John Right. Co. C-Wm. Viall. Co. D-W. H. Steere. Co. E-Isaac P. Rodman. Co. F-Levi Tower. Co. G-Nathan Goff, Jr. Co. H-Chas. W. Greene. Co. I-Samuel J. Smith. Co. KChas. Turner. -N. Y. Evening Post, June 20.

Doc. 24.

LETTER OF CORNELIUS VANDERBILT. NEW YORK, Mar 14, 1861. DEAR SIR:-Being informed that you are about making a visit to Washington, I take the liberty of asking the favor of you to lay before the Government the enclosed proposition, which I addressed to the Hon. Gideon Welles, Secretary of the Navy, under date of the 20th ultimo. To this proposition I have received no reply, and I attribute this to the multiplicity of business which has engrossed the attention of the department. You are authorized to renew this proposition, with such additions thereto as are hereinafter set forth. I feel a great desire that this Government should have the steamer "VANDERBILT," as she is acknowledged to be as fine a ship as floats the ocean, and, in consequence of her great speed and capacity, that, with a proper armament, she would be of more efficient service in keeping our coast clear of piratical vessels than any other ship. Therefore, you are authorized to say, in my behalf, that the Government can take this ship at a valuation to be determined by the Hon. Robert F. Stockton, of New Jersey, (the only Ex-Commodore of the Navy,) and any two Commodores in the service, to be selected by the Government; and if this will but answer

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