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With the deepest regret, I have to announce to you the surprise and capture by the rebels, of Capt. Conrad and his company of ninety-four men, in Neosho. Officers and men were afterwards liberated, after taking an oath that they would not again take up arms against the Confederate States.

Doc. 79.

FIGHT NEAR NEW ORLEANS, LA.

A REBEL ACCOUNT.

ON Thursday last, the 4th of July, Captain Higgins, formerly of the United States navy, and now of the Confederate army, and aide-deOn the other hand, it affords me intense camp to Major-General Twiggs, fitted out the pleasure to be able to say, in justice to the offi- steamer Oregon, commanded by Captain A. L. cers and men under my command, that they Myers, and also the steamer Swaim, Lieutenant fought with the greatest skill and bravery. Warley, C. S. N., commanding, for the purpose Although threatened more than once on the of driving the enemy out of the Mississippi flank and in the rear by powerful detachments Sound. The steamers sailed on Friday last, of cavalry, and attacked in front by an over- both well armed and manned, and proceeded whemingly disproportionate force, they con- as far as Bay St. Louis, where they filled up. ducted themselves like veterans, and defended the bags which they had provided themselves one position after another without a man swerv-with, with sand. They left the bay at 9 o'clock ing from his place. Saturday morning for the cruising ground of the I would also specially acknowledge the ser- enemy, the Swaim taking the main land, or side vices of the Fifth Regiment, under its brave passage, and the Oregon the outside, and procommanders and adjutants, with heartfelt grat-ceeded to Ship Island Pass. itude. They proved themselves to be true Finding no enemy in sight, the Oregon profriends and reliable comrades on the battle- ceeded to sea from Ship Island, and soon saw field. two vessels, and gave chase. They proved to be two fishing smacks of our own. The Oregon then returned to Ship Island, and Capt. Higgins, who was in command of the expedition, deemed it advisable to take possession of Ship Island. Accordingly he signalized the Swaim to come to and go alongside of the island. The Oregon then came alongside the Swaim, and both proceeded to disembark the men and munitions of war, provisions, &c., which was done in very short time considering they had no derrick for hoisting out the guns.

The excellent artillery under Major Backof, who, like my adjutants, Albert and Heinrichs, was untiring from morning till night in his efforts to execute and second my commands, also deserves honorable mention.

I am, sir, with great respect, yours,

FRANZ SIEGEL, Commanding Officer.

Doc. 78.

HENRY A. WISE'S PROCLAMATION.

RIPLEY, VA., July 6, 1861.

To the true and loyal citizens of Virginia on all the Ohio border, and more particularly to those of Jackson County, I would earnestly appeal to come to the defence of the Commonwealth, invaded and insulted as she is by a ruthless and unnatural enemy. None need be afraid that they will be held accountable for past opinions, votes, or acts, under the delusions which have been practised upon the Northwestern people, if they will now return to their patriotic duty and acknowledge their allegiance to Virginia and her Confederate States, as their true and lawful sovereigns. You were Union men, so was I, and we held a right to be so until oppression and invasion and war drove us to the assertion of a second independence. The sovereign State proclaimed it by her Convention, and by a majority of more than 100,000 votes at the polls. She has seceded from the old and established a new Confederacy. She has commanded and we must obey her voice. I come to execute her command-to hold out the olive branch to her true and peaceful citizens-to repel invasion from abroad, and subdue treason only at home. Come to the call of the country which owes you protection as her native sons.

HENRY A. WISE, Brigadier-General.

After the disembarkation, the guns on the boats were put in battery, protected by sandbags. The Swaim was left at the island while the Oregon proceeded to New Orleans, via Pass Christian, for the purpose of sending a despatch to Gen. Twiggs to send forward reënforcements of ammunition and men. The Oregon then proceeded to New Orleans, where she arrived on Sunday morning, and was immediately ordered to take on board guns, gun carriages, and munitions to reënforce Ship Island, Major-General Twiggs, and Captain Higgins, and Major Smith using every possible effort to get every thing in readiness. The steamer Gray Cloud was also taken into requisition, and was loaded and got under way on Monday morning, at 11 o'clock, also well armed. The Oregon followed the same night, at 11 o'clock with provisions, and proceeded directly to Ship Island.

At 6 o'clock on Tuesday morning, when within eight miles of the fort on Ship Island, Capt. Myers saw a large United States steamer and a tender lying off about two miles outside the island. At this moment our troops at the sand batteries opened fire on the steamer, which was immediately returned, and the battle commenced in good earnest. The Gray Cloud coming up slowly, the Oregon took off her ammunition, and proceeded at once to the scene of action, Major Smith directing the Gray Cloud to follow at a safe distance.

Having arrived at the island, Captain Myers | acknowledged and obeyed by all. God, in his proceeded at once in his yawl, with Major providence, and for our sins, may in his inseruSmith, with a load of shell and powder, being table wisdom, suffer the folly and wickedness received with cheers by Captain Thom, of the of this generation to destroy the fairest, noblest C. S. marines, and the sailors and soldiers, who fabric of constitutional freedom ever erected at once carried the supplies to the batteries. by man. Its whole history, from the first The enemy had fired some thirty odd rounds of moment of its operation even to the present shell and round shot, which sank in the sand, hour, bears evidence of its unrivalled exceland were used by our gallant sailors in return-lence. Our country, our whole country has, ing fire. The explosion of the enemy's shells did no other damage than slightly to injure one man in the leg.

The steamers immediately commenced landing their guns and provisions, during which time the enemy again opened fire, the shot falling short, but being returned with great effect. It is supposed the attacking steamer, the Massachusetts, was hulled three times, and a shell was seen to explode over her decks, which, it is presumed, did great damage, as she immediately hauled off, and put for the Chandeleur Islands, a distance of twelve miles from our batteries. Great credit is due to Major-General Twiggs and Captain Higgins for the expeditious and prompt manner in which this island has been fortified and defended.

from the first, prospered under it, and because of it, with a rapidity, and in a manner, before or since, unknown to the nations. That prosperity vindicates the wisdom and patriotism of its good and great founders. Is this prosperity now to cease? Is it now to be dashed to the earth? Are the hopes of civilized man, the world over, now to be blasted? Are we to become the jest, the scorn, the detestation of the people of the earth? Are all memory and reverence for the great dead, whom living we admired and adored, to be now forgotten? Is all gratitude for the mighty, trying struggles of our fathers now to end? Are the warnings, the parting warnings of the peerless man of all this world now to be disregarded and despised? Is the country of Washington, consecrated by his valor, wisdom, and virtue to freedom and peace, now to be converted into a wild scene of disorder, fraternal strife, bloodshed, war? May Heaven in its mercy forbid! May it stay the arm of the madman, arrest it in mid-career before it strikes the fatal, parricidal blow. May it give time for reason and patriotism to After taking possession of the island, Captain resume their sway! May it remove the deluHiggins detailed the following officers, with sions of the misguided, strengthen the efforts the marines and sailors, to hold and defend it: of the patriotic, impart heavenly fire to the Lieutenant Warley, commanding; Lieutenant eloquence of the faithful statesman; silence, Thom, of the marines; Surgeon Lynch, and by the universal voice of the good and true the midshipmen. After the enemy had retired, men of the nation, the utterings of treason now the steamer Swaim arrived with Lieutenant- tainting the air and shocking the ear of patriotColonel H. W. Allen, of the Fourth Regiment, ism, and the whinings of imbecility now disfrom Mississippi City, with three companies. couraging and sickening the honest public Major Smith is now in command, fortifying the heart! May it, above all, rekindle that fraterisland, and a larger force may shortly be ex-nal love which bound us together by ties pected. So much for our first naval brush with the enemy, in which it is but just to say that our officers and men all acted with the greatest spirit and gallantry.

The following is a list of the officers who were attached to this expedition: Captain E. Higgins, commanding; Lieutenants Warley, Thom, and Dunnington; Surgeon Lynch; Purser Semple; Midshipmen Reid, Stone, Comstock, Dalton, and Robey, with 65 sailors and 85 marines.

-N. O. Picayune, July 10.

Doc. 80.

REMARKS OF REVERDY JOHNSON,

IN THE SUPREME COURT OF THE UNITED STATES.

Ar the conclusion of his argument in an important case before this court, in December, 1860, Mr. Johnson spoke as follows in impressive reference to passing events and in just tribute to the historical place which, in any event, must be filled by the high tribunal before which he was called to plead :

May it please your honors, indulge me with a word or two more before I conclude.

This may be the last time that this Court will sit in peaceful judgment on a Constitution

stronger, infinitely stronger, than any which mere Government can create, during the whole of our Revolutionary struggle, and has since cheered us on in our pathway to the power and renown which have made us, until now, the wonder and admiration of the world!

But if all shall fail us and ruin come; if chaos, worse than chaos, is to be our fate, the spirits of those who have departed, and the survivors who have administered justice in this tribunal, in the general wreck and wretchedness that will ensue, will be left this consolation: that their recorded judgments, now, thank God, the rich inheritance of the world, and beyond the spoiler's reach, will, till time shall be no more, testify to the spotless integrity, the unsurpassed wisdom, the ever-bright patriotism of the men who from the first have served their country in this temple, sacred to justice and duty, and to the matchless wisdom of our fathers, who bequeathed it and commended it to the perpetual reverence and support of their

sons, and remain a never-dying dishonor and reproach to the sons who shall have plotted or permitted its destruction.

Doc. 81.

MAJOR S. D. STURGIS' PROCLAMATION.
JULY 4, 1861.

To the Union-loving Citizens of Missouri:
THE undersigned, learning with regret that
evil-disposed persons, already in open rebellion
against the Government of the United States,
have spread rumors through the country in re-
gard to the objects and practices of the Fed-
eral troops now among you, rumors calculated
to alarm the peaceable citizens, avails himself
of this occasion to assure the good people of
Missouri that the mission of the troops is one
of peace rather than that of war. It is to be
hoped, therefore, that all loyal citizens will re-
main at their ordinary avocations; and all those
who may have been deluded from their homes
by the emissaries of the so-called Southern
Confederacy, and persuaded to take up arms
against their Government, will lay down their
arms and return to their allegiance.

Among the many falsehoods which you have been made to believe to our prejudice, is, that the prime object of our coming among you is to steal and set free your slaves, and thereby encourage a servile insurrection in your midst, spreading ruin and desolation over your rich and beautiful State. You have been told that we would plunder your houses and barns; demolish them with fire; destroy your crops; rob you of your horses, cattle, &c.; insult your wives and daughters; butcher your men; in fact, commit every outrage known among the savages of the dark ages. All this is done to carry out a wicked rebellion against the Constitution and the laws.

The Government and troops thus vilified you are called upon to judge for yourselves. Upon our march thus far we have religiously observed the laws of your State and protected you in the full enjoyment thereof. In no instance has property been seized for the use of the troops. Every thing required has been fairly purchased, and its full equivalent paid for in gold. We have been ever diligent in guarding the soldiers from committing the least impropriety, and whenever detected have punished them with extreme severity.

Unite your energies with ours to restore peace and prosperity to our distracted country. Let us put down the arch-traitors who are endeavoring to create anarchy and confusion among us by violating the laws, suppressing the liberty of speech, destroying your mail facilities, tearing up your railroads, burning your bridges and ferries, and otherwise bringing ruin and desolation upon this once free and happy people. S. D. STURGIS, Major First Cavalry Commanding. CAMP WASHINGTON, near CLINTON, MO., July 4, 1861. VOL. II.-Doc. 23

Doc. 82.

GENERAL SWEENY'S PROCLAMATION.

SPRINGFIELD, Mo., July 4, 1861.

To the Citizens of Southwest Missouri:

YOUR Governor has striven to cause the State to withdraw from the Union. Failing to accomplish this purpose by legislative enactment, he has already committed treason by levying war against the United States. He has endeavored to have you commit the same crime. Hence he has called for troops to enter the military service of the State, not to aid, but to oppose the Government of the United States.

The troops under my command are stationed in your midst by the proper authority of our Government. They are amongst you not as enemies but as friends and protectors of all loyal citizens. Should an insurrection of your slaves take place, it would be my duty to suppress it, and I should use the force at my command for that purpose. It is my duty to protect all loyal citizens in the enjoyment and possession of all their property, slaves included. That duty shall be performed.

I require all troops and armed men in this part of the State now assembled, and which are arrayed against the Government of the United States, to immediately disperse and return to their homes. If this shall not be done without delay, those hordes of armed men will be taken prisoners or dispersed. I request every citizen who acknowledges he owes allegiance to the United States to aid me to prevent the shedding of blood and to restore peace and quiet to this portion of the State.

Those who have manifested a want of loyalty, either by word or act, towards the Government of the United States, are requested to appear before me, or any officer in command of any post or any detachment of troops under my command, and take an oath of allegiance to our Government. Gross misrepresentations of the oath which has already been administered to many of your most respectable citizens have been made. No loyal citizen will decline to It is the duty of every take such an oath. good citizen to bear allegiance to the Govern ment and to support the Constitution of the United States, not to encourage secession by word or act, and to obey all legal orders emanating from the constituted authorities of the land. No loyal citizen will bear arms against his Government or give aid and support to the enemies of the country. Such, in brief, are the obligations required.

I assure you the Government of the United States will deal leniently yet firmly with all its citizens who have been misled, and who desire to maintain and preserve the best Government ever devised by human wisdom.

T. W. SWEENY, U. S. A.,
Brigadier-General Commanding.

Doo. 83.

SPEECH OF A. H. STEPHENS. DELIVERED AT AUGUSTA, GA., JULY 11 1861.

MR. CHAIRMAN, Ladies and Gentlemen of Richmond County:-I appear before you today in the discharge of a duty assigned me by the Confederate Congress. I am rejoiced to see so many persons out-persons of all classes and ages, men as well as women. It is true, that the subjects upon which I am to address you to-day concern mostly-most directly the men, and a particular class of men at that-I mean the cotton planters-interesting all alike. The questions involved are questions which concern all alike. They involve the peace of the country-her political and social existence. All, therefore, do well to be here. We are involved in a war-the most important war that the country has ever been involved in since the revolution of our fathers-since American Independence was declared. We have had many wars since. We have had Indian wars with the different tribes; we had a small French war; we have had a second war with the mother country. Many, perhaps, who hear me today were engaged in that conflict. But this is war far transcending every other war, in magnitude and consequence-the consequences that will result from it.

creases, that we shall have to raise more. The estimate, however, of the Secretary of the Treasury was fifty millions of dollars, and whatever number of men and whatever amount of money shall be necessary must be raised. We do not intend to be subjugated. Mr. Lincoln has increased his call from seventy-five thousand to four hundred thousand men. He has increased his demand for money from the five millions first asked for, (the amount I do not exactly recollect,) and asks his Congress, now in session, for four hundred millions of dollars. Whether he will raise his men or his money, I know not. All I have to say about it is, that if he raises his four hundred thousand men, we must raise enough to meet him, and if he raises his four hundred millions of money, we must raise enough to meet it.

It is a war of political and social existence, and unless we intend to be overriden and beaten down and subjugated, and to become the vassals of his mercenaries and myrmidons, we must every one of us-every man, every boy, and every woman-be prepared to do our duty. Our means in men and money are ample to sustain our independence. We have, upon a reasonable estimate, at least seven hundred thousand fighting men. Whether all these will be required to drive back his armed myrmidons, I know not; but, if they are, every man must go to the battle field. He may think, and doubtless does, that four hundred thousand men will intimidate, subjugate, and overrun us. He should recollect, however, as we should, and reverently too, that the "race is not to the swift, nor the battle to the strong," but it is God that gives the victory.

My business to-day is to unfold to you the exigencies of this war and its requirements. The Congress, it is known to you, provided for raising one hundred thousand men. Nobly, gallantly, and patriotically has that call been responded to, and is now being responded to. Thousands and tens of thousands (the exact Four hundred thousand may be a formidable number I am not able to state to you) have gone army against us, but it is not as formidable as the to the battle field. These men, however, must six hundred thousand led by Darius against the be clothed; they must be fed; they must be Grecian States; and we there have the examarmed; they must be equipped. Wars can be ple of much fewer numbers than we are, fightsustained, not by men alone; it requires men ing a battle for right, for justice, for independand money. The gallant volunteers have re-ence, and for liberty. We have an example sponded on their part. The questions upon which I am to address you to-day relate to the importance of raising the necessary amounts of money to meet these requisitions.

Upon the adjournment of the Congress from Montgomery to Richmond, the estimate was for one hundred thousand men for the first fiscal year.

worthy of our imitation. Six hundred thousand Persians invaded Greece. These small States could bring against them but eleven thousand all told. The eleven thousand met the hosts of Persia, not the six hundred thousand, but all that could be brought against them, on the common plain. The eleven thousand, with valorous hearts, fighting for home, fighting for counThe amount estimated by the Secretary of try, fighting for every thing dear to freemen, the Treasury to meet the requirements to sup- put to flight the hosts of Persia, leaving sixty port an army of this number was fifty millions thousand slain upon the field. Men of the of dollars-a large amount. This amount must South, therefore, let this war assume its gigantic be raised. How to do it is the question. But proportions, its most threatening prospects since that adjournment, since that estimate, this (nerving our hearts with the spirit of our revowar has assumed a wider and broader range. lutionary fathers, when they were but three It has taken on larger and more gigantic pro- million, and coped with Great Britain, the most portions, and instead of one hundred thousand powerful nation in the world)-animated by men, we may have to send two hundred thou- these sentiments, fighting for every thing dear sand to meet the enemy; instead of fifty mil- to us, fear not the result, recollecting that lions of dollars, we may have, and the probabil-"thrice armed is he who hath his quarrel just;" ity is that we shall have to raise one hundred and as our fathers, in the bloody conflict of the millions; and it may be, if it goes on and in- Revolutionary War, appealed to the God of

Battles for success in their cause, so may we, | law, with State sovereignty maintained to its since we have the consciousness, in any event, that this is no war of our seeking.

We simply wish to govern ourselves as we please. We simply stand where our revolutionary fathers stood in '76. We stand upon the great fundamental principle announced on the 4th of July, 1776, and incorporated in the Declaration of Independence that great principle that announced that Governments derive their just power from the consent of the governed. In the announcement of this principle, the delegation from Massachusetts, and from Rhode Island, and from Connecticut, and from all the Northern States, united with the delegates from the Old Dominion and from the Palmetto State, and from Georgia, the youngest and last of the Colonies, then not numbering more than fifty thousand of population-they united in this declaration of the delegates from all the States or Colonies, and for the maintenance of it they pledged their lives, their fortunes, and their sacred honor-Massachusetts side by side with Georgia, John Hancock at their head, and, strange to say, to-day, the people of Massachusetts and the Northern States are reversing the position of our fathers, and are demanding to rule, to govern, to coerce, to subjugate us against our consent.

We wish no quarrel with them. After the establishment of the great principle, after the acknowledgment of it by Great Britain, in the treaty of 1783, when each separate State was recognized as independent, we were not recognized by Great Britain as a nationality, but the independence of each Colony or State was recognized by itself-Massachusetts and Rhode Island, and Connecticut and Virginia, each one by itself; each one was separate, sovereign, and independent. They made a common cause to achieve individual and separate sovereign existence.

After the Revolutionary war they entered into a constitutional compact-that Constitution that we have ever adopted-that Constitution to the maintenance of which I have devoted so much of my life.

We entered into that Constitution with this people. Almost from the beginning, a large party in the North were against it; and as a Southern man, in passing, I may be excused for elaiming, as I do, that the Constitution of the United States was mainly the work of Southern hands.

It is true that the delegates from the Northern States joined us in the Convention of 1787 that made it; but the first programme, the outline of the Constitution as we now have it, was proposed by the distinguished member from Carolina, Mr. Pinckney. Another programme which was said to be the basis of the Constitution, was introduced by Mr. Randolph, of Virginia. The Northern men, with a few exceptions, did not favor that form of government. The Constitution, therefore, reserving sovereignty to the people, constituting a limited government, with an executive bound by

fullest extent, with a judiciary bound by fundamental law, with every officer, from the highest to the lowest, bound by law-this great bulwark of constitutional liberty was the work mainly of Southern hands. Madison is styled the father of it. Not a single pillar in the temple, not a single arch in this great building, was laid, or reared, or constructed, by Northern men.

They had able members in the Convention. I detract nothing from their merits. They show forth as great lights in the Revolutionary war. I name but two-Franklin and Hamilton; men of transcendant talents, men of genius; but neither of them contributed any thing to the formation of the Constitution. Mr. Hamilton was for a different model of Government; he was against the form adopted, and actually quit the Convention before it was made. It is true that afterwards, when the Convention was agreed upon and submitted to the people, he lent all the power of his gigantic intellect, and all the fervor of his pure and lofty patriotism, to the establishment of the Government; but he differed in theory from the work that was done, and afterwards attempted to incorporate, by construction, many of his original ideas. But what I claim before you as a Southern orator is, and I am proud of it, that the Constitution that made the old United States what they were, under which they prospered as no other nation ever has prospered, and under which they run the rapid and high career in national glory-this Constitution was the work of Southern hands mainly. And during the time of our political existence, the administration of the Government was mostly under Southern hands and Southern policy. But, after it was adopted, reserving State rights, reserving State sovereignty, reserving popular sovereignty, upon the idea that all political power resides with the people and emanates from the people; that the high and the low, the rich and the poor, every man, whatever be his status in society; every citizen stands upon equality in the law. It was this grand principle of which we boasted. These are the grand ideas of American Constitutional liberty, of which we are proud; these are the principles taught by our fathers to their sons, and they were the work mainly of Southern hands.

But soon after this Constitution was formed, a large party in the North commenced, as Í have said, by construction, to torture and twist the Constitution from its proper and legitimate meaning, to gain power indirectly. I have not time to go through the history of the country. It is enough to say it ripened within the last few years, and came to maturity under the organization of that party now in power-that party which now has the destiny of the United States in its hands-known as the Republican party. Seven States of the North finally utterly repudiated the most important feature in

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