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scarcely paralleled in the most barbarous ages, | the Southern Colonies took the lead in the and totally unworthy of the head of a civilized crowning work of declaring independence. nation," is as distinctly marked in the move- The first popular act proclaiming independence ments of the Federal Executive as it was in was that of the people of Mecklenburgh, in those of the British monarch, rendered more North Carolina, and the first declaration by atrocious in character by the violent assump- any Colonial Legislature, for a public declarations in the prosecution of the will of the tion of independence by the Colonies in ConAmerican despot, of lawless powers which the gress, was made by the Legislature of the same people of England would never have permitted | State, the 22d of April, 1776. Virginia was to the King. the next, and on the 15th of May, unanimously instructed her delegates in Congress to propose the declaration without waiting for the joint declaration. Virginia assumed her own sovereignty, and at once proceeded to provide for a constitution and bill of rights for her own people.

The resistance of the South has been based on the same eternal principles which justified and glorified the patriots of 1776. What was won by their struggles, their long endurance, their heroism and their triumph, was the common inheritance of their children, in trust for the liberty and happiness of mankind. They established, as they thought forever, the great maxim of freedom, that “governments derive their just powers from the consent of the governed," and that "whenever any form of government becomes destructive of these ends, it is the right of the people to alter or abolish it, | and to institute a new government, laying its foundation on such principles and organizing its powers in such form as to them shall seem most likely to afford them safety and happi

ness."

These fundamental truths are still devoutly cherished in the Southern States of America. The people of the South are in arms to defend them against the aggressions and invasions of the degenerate sons of the illustrious patriots who went shoulder to shoulder with the men of the South, in wresting them, by battle, from the unwilling hands of a mighty monarchy. The North, inflamed by the same lust of dominion and the same arrogant confidence in superior strength, has renounced these free maxims for those which enlightened monarchy has since abandoned, and is spreading its banners and arraying armies and fleets to re-establish, in the person of King Mob, the obsolete dogmas of the divine right of government to passive obedience.

In this frightful apostasy of a corrupt generation from the faith of their fathers, the people of the Confederate States of the South alone remain loyal to the principles of the Revolution-the great truths of the Act of Independence. They are the sole guardians left of constitutional liberty in America. They alone have kept unimpaired their inheritance in the glories of the Revolution, and their trust in its beneficent creed. To them now belongs of right the custody of all the hopes of human progress, of which the Fourth of July is the symbol in history, and it is by their swords that it is to be saved for mankind.

As the States of the South are alone in having stood steadfast to the principles of the Revolution, so it is their glory that they were among the first to assert them in the face of a frowning despotism. Among the earliest to and firmest to uphold opposition to as doctrines of the English King,

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The mover in Congress for a declaration of independence, was Richard Henry Lee, of Virginia. The Declaration was written by Thomas Jefferson, of Virginia, and the General whose wisdom and whose sword won the battles which established it, was George Washington, a Virginian. North Carolina and Virginia, and their Southern associate States, peopled by tho descendants and kindred of these great southerners, are in arms for the same independence for which the treachery and tyranny of the North have demanded from them a new declaration, and the dedication anew of life, fortune, and honor to the same glorious cause.

It is impossible to read the history of those times without finding on every page new proofs of the complete identity of principles between the struggle of the colonies then and that of the Confederate States now, and new weapons for the defence of the great conservative doctrine of State sovereignty, in the destruction of which every vestigo of American liberty is threatened. The declaration of July was the announcement by all, of what was true of each, that the Colonies, one and all, were free and independent. There was no assumption that the people of the Colonies formed one nation-they formed States, united to make known their common resolve to support the sovereignty which each had reclaimed from a tyrannical government. The Congress of the Colonies was a voluntary league, recognized as an agency, and frequently applied to as a counsellor.

Following the advance of public opinion in the colonies, Congress, in May, 1776, passed advisatory resolves, in which they recommended the several colonial governments no longer to consider themselves as exercising any power derived from Great Britain, but to adopt such governments as the people of each should consider most advisable. On the very day on which this resolve finally passed, at Philadelphia, Virginia, acting without concert, took steps to erect her own independent government. It is a curious fact, too, in history, that New Jersey did this even more thoroughly and effectually than Virginia, for her Colonial Convention actually formed and adopted an independent government, and put it into action

before the 4th of July, 1776. The preamble recited that, by reason of the oppression of the King of Great Britain, "all civil authority under him is necessarily at an end, and a dissolution of government in each colony has conse-by the "removal of State power," is the end quently taken place. The Constitution of July 2, 1776, with this preamble, remained the Constitution of New Jersey for more than sixty years, with only the alteration of a single word, which was made in 1777.

Virginia and New Jersey were, therefore, separately independent, in fact, and by declaration, before the general declaration was made by the assembled delegates on the 4th of July. That declaration was consistent in comprising by a unanimous vote the concurrence of all in the proclamation of the same fact, and the joint resolve for maintaining it by the arms of all. In accordance with the same principles, Congress expressly and by resolution delegated to the colonial Legislatures, and subsequently to the States, as solely belonging to them, the duty of providing laws for the punishment of treason, and the right and duty which were exercised with a great deal of energy in some of the Middle States, particularly New York, for confiscating the estates of adherents to Great Britain.

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chief duty of Lincolnism "to efface the old co-
lonial geography," and to abolish "the admit-
ted powers of States," as "the source of all
present evils." The creation of a nationality
proposed by this war, and the means are not
less boldly avowed. In the language of one
of the foreign Ministers of Mr. Lincoln, it
is by "national unity and power,"
bined, condensed, and concentrated in army
and navy."

66

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These are open war upon every principle of freedom which the Declaration of 1776 asserted and the Revolution won. They go further: they are war upon every principle of freedom which existed and was nurtured in the colonies before the war of independence, and by which the people had been trained up in the knowledge of virtue and heroism, which instructed them in the value of independence and enabled them to win it.

To them, therefore, belongs the most sacred right of property in the memories of Independence Day, as the loyal inheritors of its principles and its glories. They will be so ranked in impartial history when the monument at Bunker Hill, which was reared to commemorate the willing sacrifice of patriot blood for the noble cause of liberty, may stand in a land of willing slaves as a statue of Cato might stand over the manger of the horse of whom Caligula made a consul for debased Rome. -New Orleans Picayune.

The Confederate States, in resisting these abominable doctrines, and the atrocious acts by which they are sought to be enforced, are guarding with their swords the ancient British liberties, which educated and disciplined the original thirteen for the work of overthrowing the armed tyranny of a great empire, as well The Fourth of July is, therefore, pre-emi- as the new and grander principles of human nently an anniversary to be preserved and rights and popular self-government, which that commemorated by the adherents to the doc-independence achieved for themselves, their trine of State sovereignty. It was the work of posterity, and mankind. men who laid the corner-stone of constitutional freedom on that rock. The confederation which followed the declaration was simply a league, and a very imperfect one, which, without any national strength, carried the country through the war. The confederation of the States which became, by the Constitution of 1787, the Union of the States, reserved the individuality of the States, as the indispensable element of liberty and good government. The North, after a long series of perversions and abuses, by which the forms of the Constitution were made powerful to overthrow the rights of the South, and establish over us a sectional despotism, with pretended authority against its original and essential provisions, has at last thrown off the appearances of respect for it, and is marching its armies openly to overthrow State authorities and State existence with fire and sword. The Constitution of 1787 is super- Yesterday, (July 8.) while Col. Andrew Porseded by a military despotism, and the authors ter, U. S. A., was scouting at the head of a of these usurpations avow without scruple that party of eighteen in the immediate vicinity they have a mission to repair the errors of of the disunion lines on the other side of the 1776, and establish institutions against which river, a party of twenty-two mounted disunion the independence and individuality of the States troops was observed approaching them. Col. have been heretofore obstructions, which the Porter immediately placed his men in position Constitution offered them too slow aids in over- for a brush, and awaited their nearer approach. coming. The Secretary of State proclaims that Perceiving, when they got in hailing distance the war will never be ended until the "miser- of him, that one of them had in his hand, trail able" casuistry of State rights is effectually dis-ing, a white flag, he demanded that they should posed of, and there shall be no longer any distinction of citizenship, according to State lines. The confidential counsellors of the Administration, and the press, proclaim that it will be the

Doc. 73.

A FLAG OF TRUCE FROM THE REBELS.

THE Washington Star has the following particulars of the arrival of the flag of truce:

halt where they were, and explain their errand. They came to a halt, and declared that they bore an important communication from Davis to the President of the United States.

Col. Porter requested them to dismount, and sion that the real purpose of sending the flag approach with it on foot, a measure of precau- | of truce here was but to get an opportunity to tion rendered necessary by the fact that the communicate surreptitiously with Uncle Sambo's officer bearing the flag was accompanied by a larger escort than that (twelve men) incident to the presence of a flag of truce. His request was complied with, and he found their representation correct. The disunion officer proved to be a Capt. Tom Taylor, of Frankfort, Ky., (a connection of Old Zack's,) who bore a sealed letter from Jeff. Davis to President Lincoln, according to a representation upon its back, written and signed by Beauregard at Manassas, explaining the fact, and asking that Capt. Taylor might be facilitated in his mission.

Col. Porter accordingly sent Capt. Taylor and his missive forward with an officer and an orderly, and directed the disunion escort to return forthwith into their own lines-himself and the picket guard with him, following them for some distance to see that that direction was properly carried out.

spies in this city at this, to his cause, critical time. The impression prevailing around us, that President Lincoln will communicate the contents of the letter to Congress, is doubtless erroneous. Though we presume that it will be promptly despatched to the Governor of Virginia, at Wheeling, to whom a person usurping the government of Virginia, as Jeff. Davis has done, should more appropriately address such a missive than to the President of the United States.

We repeat, the whole affair amounted to little more than a ruse or trick of Uncle Sambo's to communicate "on the sly" with traitors in Washington; which failed entirely, owing to the careful watch kept over this Uncle Sambo's instrument in the matter while here, and the precaution taken not to permit him to remain over night in Washington. -Washington Star, July 9.

Doc. 74.

Captain Taylor was carried immediately to Gen. McDowell's head-quarters, where, by telegraph, directions were received to send him to Gen. Scott's head-quarters at Washington. He arrived under a guard at seven P. M., and after THE CAPTURE OF THE "FRENCH LADY," a brief interview with General Scott, wherein Captain Tom Taylor told his story as he had doubtless been instructed to tell it, he was sent to the President, bearing the sealed missive from Jeff. Davis to that functionary.

His business was disposed of at the White House in a very few minutes; for in that time he was sent back to General Scott with one letter less than he bore on his person on entering the Union lines, the President not deeming the communication he brought such as required him to enter into any correspondence whatever with Davis.

Captain Tom Taylor, of Uncle Sambo's cavalry, was next immediately faced in the direction from which he came, and marched back to General McDowell's head-quarters, where, though courteously and kindly treated, he was kept under a strict guard until an early hour this morning, when he was escorted back to Uncle Sambo's lines, and turned loose to find his way back to Beauregard, without having accomplished what was evidently a main point to be attained by his mission-viz.: to communicate with traitors in our midst, who had doubtless prepared to send to Beauregard, through him, important information concern ing the alleged contemplated movement of General McDowell's army upon the inevitable Sambo's lines.

Although the President has communicated the exact contents of the letter from Davis, brought by Capt. Taylor, to none besides his constitutional advisers and Gen. Scott, from certain signs we are able to assure the public that it amounted to nothing of earthly importance in the present crisis.

On the contrary, it was of so little importance in its tenor as to lead to the irresistible conclu

JULY 8, 1861.

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LIEUT. THOS. H. CARMICHAEL, of the Middle District Police, and Mr. John Horner, of Baltimore, captured yesterday afternoon no less an important personage than Captain Thomas, of St. Mary's County, alias the "French Lady," whose exploit in seizing the steamer St. Nicholas a short time since, while in the Patuxent River, was so boastingly proclaimed by the Secession journals as a brilliant exploit." The particulars of the affair, as narrated by a passenger on board the steamer Mary Washington, were as follows: Lieutenant Carmichael, with Mr. Horner, left Baltimore on Sunday morning in a small sloop for Fair Haven, on Herring Bay, near the lower portion of Anne Arundel County, for the purpose of arresting a certain Neale Green, a noted barber doing business on Pratt street, near Frederick, who is charged with being a participant in the assault on the Massachusetts Regiment on the 19th of April, and with other offences. Owing to head winds the sloop did not reach the place of destination until about 7 o'clock yesterday morning. On landing, the officers proceeded to a house in the vicinity and arrested Green, who designed remaining there some time, but proposed sending his wife to this city by the steamer Mary Washington, which usually stops at Fair Haven.

The officers, with Green and his wife, took passage on the Mary Washington without any knowledge of those on board. Shortly after leaving, the Lieutenant entered into conversation with a number of passengers, and ascertained that Capt. Kirwan, with the engineer and another officer of the steamer St. Nicholas, as well as others who had been taken prison

ers when the steamer was seized by Thomas, the "French Lady," and his party, had been released by them and were returning to this city by the Mary Washington. The officers also ascertained that among the passengers on board were seven or eight of the captors, with Captain Thomas himself, who, doubtless exhilarated by the success attending their first achievement, were disposed to make another venture, probably on the steamer Columbia or some other steamer plying on the Maryland rivers.

tion, where he was locked up for examination.
He confesses that he left this city on account
of having committed an assault on a soldier.
On the 4th of July certain suspected parties
were seen examining the steamer Columbia, of
the same line as the St. Nicholas, now lying
idle at Fardy's ship-yard, near Federal Hill.
They went aboard and inquired of Captain Har-
per what was her speed, how much coal was
on board of her, and whether she could le char-
tered? On being told that she was not for
charter, one of them, on leaving the boat, was
heard to say that they "would have her any
how." The facts were immediately laid before
Provost-marshal Kenly, who, suspecting it to
be their intention to seize her quietly at night,
get up steam and move out of the harbor, im-
mediately ordered an armed guard on board,
whilst part of her machinery was also removed
by the officers. The return of Captain Thomas
may have some connection with the movements
of this party, or perhaps the seizure of the
Mary Washington on her return trip.

As soon as satisfactory information on this point was obtained, and each one of the party recognized beyond doubt, Lieutenant Carmichael directed Captain Mason L. Weems, the commander of the Mary Washington, to proceed, on reaching this harbor, to land the passengers at Fort McHenry. The direction was given while the steamer was near Annapolis. Shortly after, while Lieutenant Carmichael and Mr. Horner were in the ladies' cabin they were approached by Thomas, who desired to know by what authority the order had been given for Colonel Kenly received information on Satthe steamer to touch at Fort McHenry. The urday of the whereabouts of Neale Green, and Lieutenant informed him that it was through immediately despatched Lieutenant Carmichael authority vested in him by Colonel Kenly, Pro- to arrest him. The expedition has proved a vost-marshal of Baltimore. On hearing this most successful one, and reflects credit alike Thomas drew his pistol, and calling his men on Colonel Kenly and the efficiency and deteraround him, threatened to seize and throw Car-mination of Lieutenant Carmichael. michael and Horner overboard. The latter drew their revolvers and defied the other party to proceed to execute their threats. The utmost confusion prevailed in the cabin for a short time, the female passengers running out screaming, but the other male passengers stood up with Carmichael and Horner, and compelled Thomas and his companions to remain quiet. Matters thus stood on the boat until the steamer approached the Fort wharf, when the Lieutenant went up and informed General Banks of his important capture.

The General instantly ordered out a company of infantry, who marched to the steamboat and secured all the accused excepting Thomas, for whom search was made for an hour and a half. He was then found concealed in the drawer of a bureau in the ladies' cabin, in the aft part of the boat. At first it was apprehended that Thomas would make a desperate resistance, but he disclaimed any such design, alleging that he was too weak to resist. He and the other prisoners were then marched to the fort and placed in confinement.

We learn from the passengers of the St. Nicholas that the schooner load of ice captured by the piratical expedition, and taken to Fredericksburg, sold for $4,000. -Baltimore American, July 9.

Doc. 75.

DEBATE ON THE LOAN BILL,

IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES, JULY 10, 1861. MR. STEVENS moved that the House resolve itself into Committee of the Whole on the State of the Union on the Loan Bill, and that debate be concluded in one hour.

Mr. Burnett desired to know whether Mr. Stevens intended to afford reasonable opportunity for discussion.

Mr. Stevens replied that he proposed to allow one hour for debate, because he knew some gentlemen on the other side wanted to make speeches. He (Stevens) would be equally accommodating on some other bill.

Mr. Stevens' motion was agreed to.

Mr. Colfax (Rep., Ind.) was called to preside over the Committee.

The witnesses, some ten or twelve in number, were also detained at the Fort during last night. Of the prisoners, Thomas was the only Mr. Stevens, (Rep., Pa.,) from the Committee one who had any baggage, he having a small on Ways and Means, reported a bill for the supvalise with a bundle, in which was contained port of the army for the fiscal year ending with a full uniform of a Zouave, including a cap, a June next, and for arrearages for the year endnumber of letters and papers, among which ing 30th of June last; also a bill making apwas said to be a commission in the Confeder-propriations for the navy for the same period. ate army. The names of those arrested with him could not be ascertained last evening.

Neale Green was brought up by Lieutenant Carmichael and taken to the Middle Police Sta

Both referred to the Committee of the Whole on the State of the Union.

Mr. Washburne (Rep., Ill.) called up the bill reported by him yesterday, further to provide

for the collection of duties on imports and for other purposes, and asked that it be put on its passage.

Mr. Vallandigham (Dem., Ohio) inquired whether the first section of this bill was not the same as reported last session by Mr. Bingham.

Mr. Washburne was not prepared to answer, not having made a comparison.

The President had undertaken to give us his opinion of the state of the nation, and it was his duty as an honest Executive to make that information full, impartial, and complete, instead of spreading before us a labored vindication of his own course of policy, which has precipitated us into a bloody and terrible revolution. He admits the fact. He admits now we are in the midst of a general civil war; not a mere petty insurrection, to be suppressed in twenty days by a proclamation, the posse comitatus, and three months' militia.

It has been the misfortune of the President, from the beginning, that he partially and wholly under-estimated the magnitude and character of this revolution; for surely he never would have ventured the hazardous ex

Mr. Vallandigham said that in the Constitution which we have sworn to support, and under which we are assembled here to-day, it is written that Congress, to which all legislative power is granted, shall make no law abridging the freedom of speech or of the press, and that no Representative or Senator shall be questioned for any speech made in Congress. Holding up this shield of the Constitution, and stand-periment of plunging thirty millions of people ing in the place and manhood of a representative of the people, he proposed to discuss the direct questions of this war, though with more decency of discussion, he trusted, than has sometimes been exhibited here.

The present war he knew to be a foregone conclusion; but there are questions connected with it about which he felt impelled to speak. The President in his recent Message demands the enormous loan of $100,000,000, an amount nearly ten times greater than the entire public debt-State and Federal-at the close of the Revolution in 1783, and four times as much as the total indebtedness during the three years' war with Great Britain in 1812.

into war without the authority of Congress. But at last, when he found himself hemmed in by a revolution, which threatened this capital, he woke up-as his proclamation shows him to have done. Why did he not forthwith assemble Congress and throw himself upon the wisdom of the representatives of the people, instead of assuming the powers which the Constitution expressly conferred upon Congress? powers which Congress repeatedly at the last session refused to exercise, or permit him to exercise.

The President in his Message has undertaken to give a summary of the causes which led to this revolution; but he has unfortunately The Constitution-to which he gave his utterly ignored the stronger causes contributed whole heart and utmost loyalty-gave to Con- by the abolitionists and disunionists of the gress alone the power to call for money, and North. How could he have forgotten that the to fix the purposes to which it shall be applied, South, with one single exception, chose first to and it expressly limits appropriations to the come here and demand its solemn constitutional term of two years. Each Senator and member guarantees for their protection against the therefore must judge for himself, upon his con- abuses of the tremendous powers of the Fedscience and oath, and before God and the coun-eral Government, before resorting to Secestry, of the wisdom, and justice, and policy, of the President's demand. Whenever this House shall become a mere machine wherewith to register the decrees of the Executive, it will be high time to abolish it.

He believed he had the right to say that, so far as the gentlemen upon this side of the House are concerned, however they might suffer in other things, they are firm and united in the determination that their own rights as the representatives of the people shall be preserved in the spirit and the letter; and some are here present who are resolved to assert and exercise these rights with becoming decency and moderation, but at the same time fully, and regardless of consequences.

It is a wise and ancient practice of the English Commons to precede all votes of supplies by an inquiry into the abuses and grievances, and especially if any infraction of the law by the Executive. Let us follow this wise precedent. Availing himself of his right and duty, he would proceed to consider the state of the Union, and to supply some few omissions from the President's Message.

sion? Did he not know that at the last session of Congress every substantial proposition for compromise, except the one offered by Mr. Kellogg, of Illinois-and all knew how that was received-came from the South? The Committee of Thirty-three was moved for by a gentleman from Virginia, and received the vote of every Southern representative, except one from South Carolina, who declined to vote. In the Senate this Committee of Thirty-three was moved for by the Senator from Kentucky, and received the silent acquiescence of every Southern Senator present.

The Crittenden proposition, too, was moved by another Senator from Kentucky-Mr. Crittenden-a man venerable for his years, loved for his virtues, and revered for his patriotism, which for forty-four years of public life he has devoted to the Union, and who, though he himself proved his courage fifty years ago upon the field of battle against a foreign foe, is still, thank God, for compromise.

The Border States' propositions were projected by a gentleman from Maryland, and presented by a member from Tennessee, and,

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