favor of instruction if we must send commis- | He spoke against the idea that slaves are prosioners. Mr. J. proceeded for some time to perty. [Why not have raised this question on enforce his views, taking strong ground against the Ripon speech before electing Judge Howe? this action. He went in for the Chicago plat--REPORTER.] form. "Mr. D. H. Johnson, (Rep.,) thought it important that we should have a free interchange of sentiment, with a view to a better understanding. He was sorry to see a spirit of disappointment and opposition here. He alluded to the gentleman from Rock, [Mr. Graham, which brought that gentleman to his feet in explanation.] Mr. J. proceeded to discuss at considerable length the propriety of not including the Chicago platform in his action. "Mr. Rugee, (Rep.,) said if any Republican would show anything bad in the Chicago platform he would withdraw it. "Mr. D. H. Johnson rejoined. "Mr. Bradford, (Rep.,) said that he discovered that his Democratic friends were as calm as turtle doves, while many of the Republicans seemed to be trembling in their boots. [Laughter.] He predicted that to send commissioners would end in a conventional bubble, and would explode, amounting to nothing. He knew when Virginia asked anything she meant to have it or nothing. He was decidedly opposed to the proposition of sending commissioners. He cautioned the Republicans against leaving out the Republican platform If they did they would leave out many of the party. Mr. Atwood, (Rep.) said that several gentlemen had endeavored to impress upon this House that they were Republicans. He believed that where he lived no one questioned his Republicanism. This question was not one of party; it was not to advance Republicanism as such-it was to save our country, and party had nothing to do with it. He could meet the Democrats and act with them on this matter, and never stop to enquire whether they ever had a platform or not. In giving the 21,000 majority," so much referred to here, we did not expect these dreadful realities which now surround us. We must now act upon the facts and circumstances as they surround us. These commissioners could go to Washington and act independent of any other state. They would no doubt act with reference to the sentiment of the people of the state as much as possible. He was opposed to any positive instructions, though he should have no objection to have the commissioners required to communicate with the legislature. "Mr. Ruge again rejoined, taking strong ground in favor of sending the Chicago platform to Washington. "Mr. Graham, (Rep.) said he had intended to be content with a silent vote against this measure, but he could hardly sit still since so much had been said, and his proposition had been voted down. He believed the northern Democrats were as loyal to the constitution and government as the Republicans, and he should not object to see a Democrat appointed, if the commissioners should be raised. He should vote for Mr. Rugee's proposition to instruct, for the purpose of killing the motion. "Mr. Atwood said he respected the frankness of the gentleman from Rock in declaring he would go for the amendment to kill the propo sition. He thanked him for that. He liked the Chicago platform as much as any one, but he could not consent to tack that and state constitutions on propositions of this kind.He believed this move would do good. He be lieved it would do good for a parley to be held. It could do no harm-it might do good." From the Assembly Debates on the 4th we take the following: "Mr. Dwight (Rep.) was at first in favor of sending commissioners, but the arguments he had heard had convinced him of his error, and he was not ashamed to own it. He did not propose to get down on his knees when the South had a club over his head, and eat a large piece of pumpkin pie.' His children were all girls, and therefore he could stand the war very well. He wished he was in the Chair, he would show the South a little of Old JackIn short, he was opposed to all conces sions and all compromise. son. "Mr. Lindsley (Rep.) was opposed to this commission. He believed we had already given the South an intimation of what we would do, and he was opposed to going any further. He would favor the submission of our personal liberty bill to a judicious committee, and if found to be unconstitutional, to repeal it, but he was opposed to meeting the South for any such purpose as this. Much as he loved peace and quiet he would willingly sacUnion, and he would be willing to make any rifice his life to abolish slavery. He loved the reasonable sacrifices to save it, but he would not vote for this resolution. "Mr. Spooner, (Rep) was opposed to the amendment. He saw where the opposite side met the difficulty. They find it necessary to ignore the expressed will of the people. His constituents had instructed him not to back down in the least, and to yield nothing. So far as he was concerned, he should stand by his instructions. He could vote for no such propositions and go back to his constituents." A correspondent of the Milwaukee Sentinel (rep.) of February, said: "My sympathies on this occasion were all with the Republicans, who struggled manfully against the united Democracy, aided by members from their own ranks, to defeat this prop osition; and who were finally overcome only by the casting vote of the Lieutenant Governor, who, representing the whole state, nevertheless preferred to vote with the six Republicans who favored the proposition, rather than the four teen who opposed it. Vengeance is not mine." CARL SCHURZ was at Norwalk, Ohio, during this controversy. He, with CHANDLER, of EVERETT: "WASHINGTON, Feb. 2. 1861. Michigan. was opposed to compromise, and be- | read to the meeting from the Hon EDWARD ieved that to send "stiff-backed Republicans." who were opposed to it, as commissioners, was the only way to prevent compromise, and save the Republican party' The following dispatch explains itself: "Resolved, That we, as Republicans, will not submit to compromises at the sacrifice of principle." "There was a Brutus once, that would have brook'd The eternal devil, to keep his State in Rome, As easily as a King."-Julius Cæsar. No one doubts that BRUTUS had the courage to do much that he lacked the power. We find many here that would "brook the eternal deyil" to earry their points, but they would no doubt end where BRUTUS did. with the loss of liberty and power. With the following, from King Henry IVth, we will leave our readers to "heed or bleed." "A Peace is of the nature of a Conquest! A CANDID ADMISSION. The Milwaukee Sentinel, in February, 1861, made the following admission: no "Had the election of last November resulted in favor of that party, [the Democracy,] we should have heard nothing of 'Secession;' no complaints about 'Personal Liberty Laws;" denunciation of Northern fanaticism; no talk of a 'Southern Confederacy.' South Carolina indeed, might have made more or less fuss, as usual; but she would have stood alone, and her fit would have soon passed over." This was very true, but the Democracy did not succeed; hence the necessity for compro mise. EDWARD EVERETT ON COMPROMISE. A large and enthusiastic Union meeting was held in Faneuil Hall, Boston, February, 1861, at which the CRITTENDEN proposition was endorsed unanimously. The following letter was "MY DEAR SIR--I much regret that it is not in my power to be present at the meeting to be held in Faneuil Hall next Tuesday. I have yielded. the sacrifice of personal convenience, to the advice and request that I would prolong my stay at Washington, with a view to conference with members of Congress and other persons from various parts of the Union, who are uniting their counsels and efforts for its preservation. "The crisis is one of greater danger and imstates have declared their separation from the portance than has ever before existed. Six. Union, and the withdrawal of the seventh is a probable event. The course of the remaining Southern States will be decided in a few days. They are under opposing influences. A strong conservative sentiment binds them to the Union; a natural sympathy with the seceding states draws them in an opposite direction. "If they adhere to the Union there will be no insuperable difficulty in winning back the sister States, which have temporarily withdrawn from us, but if the border states are drawn into the Southern Confederacy the fate of the country is sealed. Instead of that generations the envy of the civilized world, we palmy prosperity which has made us for two shall plunge into the road to ruin. We must look forward to collision at home-fierce, bloody, deadly collision-not alone between the two great sections of the country, but between neighboring States-town and country, and embittered parties in the same city-and abroad we must submit to the loss of the rank we have hitherto sustained among the family of nations. Iluman nature is the same in all ages, and the future, now impending over our once happy country, may be read in the mournful history of the Grecian and Italian republics, and in the terrific annals of the French revolution. To expect to hold fifteen States in the Union by force is preposterous. The idea of a civil war, accompanied, as it would be, by entertained for a moment. a servile insurrection, is too monstrous to be If our sister states must leave us, in the name of heaven let them go in peace. I agree in the sentiment that the Political leaders, however well disposed, are people alone can avert these dire calamities. hampered by previous committals and controlled by their associates. The action of Congress, unless accelerated by an urgent impulse from the ultimate source of power, is too much impeded by the forms of legislation and tedipolitical parties of the country-agencies unousness of debate. There is no hope from the happily too potent for mischief, but, in the present extremity, powerless for good, except by a generous sacrifice of all party views, interest and ambition to the public weal. imous utterance of the voice of the people, "No; it is only by the loud, emphatic, unanthat the danger can be averted. Let the cry go forth from Faneuil Hall, and ring through the land, that the Union must and shall be pre- States, the relation established or recognized served! (Great cheering) "Your friend and fellow citizen, "EDWARD EVERETT." LORD BROUGHAM ON COERCION. The venerable Lord BROUGHAM, one of the wisest and most conservative men of England, thus wrote on the 19th of March, '61-a just rebuke to those who would sustain something they have dubbed Platform, and make ship wreck of the Constitution and Union: "The alarm felt by all the friends of human improvement at the risk of disunion in America, are naturally uppermost in one's mind at the present time. How much it is to be wished that the contending parties in both Italy and America would take a leaf out of our books, and learn the wisdom as well as virtue of compromise and mutual concession." PLAN OF ADJUSTMENT ADOPTED BY THE PEACE CONGRESS. "Sec. 1. In all the present territory of the United States, north of the parallel of thirtysix degrees thirty minutes of north latitude, involuntary servitude, except in punishment of crime, is prohibited. In all the present territory south of that line the status of persons held to service or labor, as it now exists, shall not be changed. Nor shall any law be passed by Congress or the territorial legislature to hinder or prevent the taking of such persons from any of the States of this Union to said territory, nor to impair the rights arising from said relation. But the same shall be subject to judicial cognizance in the Federal courts according to the common law. When any territory north or south of said line, with such boundary line as Congress may prescribe shall contain a population equal to that required for a member of Congress, it shall, if its form of government be republican, be admitted into the Union on an equal footing with the original States, with or without involuntary servitude, as the constitution of such State may provide. Sec. 2. No territory shall be aquired by the United States except by discovery and for naval and commercial stations, depots, and transit routes, without the concurrence of a majority of all the Senators from the States which allow involuntary servitude, and a majority of all the Senators from States which prohibit that relation; nor shall territory be acquired by treaty, unless the votes of a majority of the Senators from each class of States hereinbefore mentioned be cast as a part of the two-third majority necessary to the ratification of such treaty. "Sec. 3. Neither the constitution nor any amendment thereto, shall be construed to give Congress power to regulate, abolish or control, within any state or territory of the United by the laws thereof touching persons bound to labor or involuntary service in the District of Columbia, without the consent of Maryland, and without the consent of the owners, or making the owners who do not consent just compensation; nor the power to interfere with or prohibit representatives and others from bringing with them to the city of Washington, retaining and taking away, persons so bound to labor or service, nor the power to interfere with or abolish involuntary service in places under the exclusive jurisdiction of the United States within these states and territories where the same is established or organized; nor the power to prohibit the removal or transportation in any state or territory of the United States of persons held to labor or involuntary service it is established or recognized by law or usage; to any other state or territory thereof, where and the right, during transportation by sea or river, of touching at ports, shores and landings, but not for sale or traffic, shall exist; nor shall Congress have power to authorize any higher rate of taxation on persons held to labor or service than on land. The bringing into the District of Columbia of persons held to labor or service for sale, or placing them in depots to be afterwards transferred to other places for sale as merchandize, is prohibited, and the right of transit through any state or territory against its dissent, is prohibited. Sec. 4. The third paragrah of the second section of the fourth article of the constitution shall not be construed to prevent any of the states, by appropriate legislation, and through the action of their judicial and ministerial offi cers, from enforcing the delivery of fugitives from labor to the person to whom such service or labor is due. "Sec. 5. The foreign slave trade is hereby forever prohibited, and it shall be the duty of Congress to pass laws to prevent the importation of slaves, coolies or persons held to ser vice or labor, into the United States, and the Territories from places beyond the limits thereof. "Sec. 6. The first, third and fifth sections, together with this section six of these amend ments, and the third paragraph of the second section of the first article of the constitution, and third paragraph of the second section of the fourth article thereof, shall not be amended or abolished without the consent of all the states. "Sec. 7. Congress shall provide by law that the United States shall pay to the owner the full value of his fugitives from labor, in all cases where the Marshal or other officer whose duty it was to arrest such fugitive, was prevented from so doing by violence or intimidation from mobs or riotous assemblages, or when, after ar rest, such fugitive was rescued by like violence or intimidation, and the owner thereby pre vented and obstructed in the pursuit of his remedy for the recovery of such fugitive. Con gress shall provide by law for securing to the citizens of each state the privileges and immun ities of the several states" MR. FRANKLIN'S SUBSTITUTE. tion whether John Doe or Richard Roe shall possess a certain ten dollar bill. The Repub The substitute offered in the Peace Confer.lican party obtained power in the recent Pres ence by Mr. FRANKLIN, of Pennsylvania, for the first article of the Guthrie Basis, and which was adopted by the vote of all the states represented, except Virginia, North Carolina, Tennessee, Delaware and Missouri, is as follows: "Art. 1. In all the present territory of the United States, not embraced in the Cherokee Treaty, North of the parallel of thirty-six degrees and thity minutes of North latitude, involuntary servitude, except in punishment of crime, is prohibited. In all the present territory South of that line, the status of persons held to service or labor, as it now exists, shall not be changed by law, nor shall the rights arising from said relation be impaired; but the same shall be subject to judicial cognizance in the Federal Courts, according to the common law. When any territory North or South of said line within such boundary as Congress may prescribe, shall contain a population equal to that required for a member of Congress, it shall, if its form of government be republican, be admitted into the Union on an equal footing with the original states, with or without involuntary servitude, as the Constitution of such state may provide." THE EFFECT OF IT. The failure of Wisconsin, says the Milwaukee Sentinel, to appoint commissioners is likely to have a decidedly opposite effect from what the opponents of such action have intended. The N. Y. Post says: "In the conference four strongly Republican states remain unrepresented. Michigan, Wisconsin, Minnesota and Kansas have neglected or refused to send commissioners. Of the twenty states represented, three of the free, Rhode Island, New Jersey and Pennsylvania, will join the seven slave states in any propositions which the latter desire. Thus, should the slave states unite for Guthrie's plan, the vote The four would probably be a tie, ten to ten. free states not represented in the Peace Conference owe it to the country to repair their neglect and authorize the attendahce of commissioners." GREELEY STRIVES TO PREVENT COMPROMISE. The following appeared in the New York Tribune while the peace negociations were pending. It was designed to frighten off the partizans: "For a man or a party to win a Presidential election under false pretences, is an offense as much more heinous than obtaining money under false pretenses, as the administration of the affairs of a great nation is of more consequence to the world than the ques idential contest by professing certain clearly defined principles upon the subject of slavery in the territories. Being about to assume the seals of office, eminent men, of whom it had a right to expect better things, counsel that it repudiate its platform of principles, confess itself a common cheat, turn its back upon those who elevated it to place, and convict itself of having either been a rank hypocrite before the election, or of being a skulking craven now. Such counselors should know that men and parties which attain power by professing one set of principles, and then, when in office, sacrifice them, and carry out another set, always break down and go to perdition, amid the jeers of the foes whom they beat in the contest, and the execrations of the friends whom they afterwards betrayed. And yet this sort of grand larceny, this stealing into power by false tokens, this playing the 'confidence game' on the broad theatre of a nation, is sometimes called statesmanship! The Republican party can better afford to lose than keep the authors of such statesmanship in its ranks. Let them go!" The Tribune followed this up by declaring the right of secession. On the 2d of March, '61, it said: "We have repeatedly said, and we once more insist, that the great principle embodied by Jefferson in the Declaration of Independence, that governments derive their just powers from the consent of the governed, is sound and just; and that, if the slave states, the cotton states, or the Gulf states only, choose to form an independent nation, they have a moral right to do so!" We might fill a dozen volumes with corelative testimony, all going to show that the Republicans were determined that no compromise should be affected. Most of their leading presses and orators treated all who favored compromise as little, if any better than traitors. Little did they think that compromise is written on the face of nature itself, and that their very existence is the result of compromise. The yielding and compensating principles between heat and cold, wet and dry, earth and air, attraction and repulsion, positive and negative, in the mental and physical, good and bad, in the moral and political, wise and unwise principles in the material world, are all the result of compromise. Without this accommodating principle, or virtue of yielding partially to opposing forces, to secure results otherwise unattainable, no human government could be formed, no laws could be enacted, no laws ex ecuted, no society maintained, and even no poubt of its intent. We submit the following family happiness secured. No compromise, said the Republicans, and as they looked upon their Wide-Awake battalions, "panting for the fray," they bid defiance to conciliation, and looking to the South as Cæsar viewed the Persians across the Hellespont, like Shakespeare's hero they exclaimed: "Let them come! They come like sacrifices in their train, But, happy for them, if in the sequel they do not feel inclined, in the language of Henry VI to exclaim: "Ah! vain Republicans, these days are dangerous! And charity chased hence by rancor's hand- And equity exiled our native land; The gods of party rule the fatal hour, And mock all efforts to reprieve the victims!" CHAPTER XIV. REPUBLICAN EFFORTS TO STIMULATE DISSOLUTION-THEIR DISLOYALTY AND TREASON. The Morrill Tariff as a Means to Hasten Dissolution... Opinions of the "Cincinnati Commercial," "New York Times," and "New York World"... From the "London Times"... The Tables Turned on the Charge of "Disloyalty"...Rules of Testimony, and the Proof of Republican Disloyalty...Testimony of Andrew Johnson... Senator Wilson on "Setting up with the Union"... What Constitutes a "Traitor" and a "Copperhead "...Mr. Lincoln on the Stand: His Preaching contrasted with his Practice...Congress on the "Object" of the War... "Indianapolis Sentinel" ditto... Thad. Stevens against the Constitution as it is...Mr. Chase Declares the Union Not Worth Fighting For... Frank Blair on Chase... Thurlow Weed on Mob Inciters... Being for the Union as it testimony: REPEAL OE THE TARIFF. The Cincinnati Commercial (Rep.) says: "Our new and supremely idiotic Tariff is a great lever placed in the hands of the Secessionists, and they are employing it with tremendous effect to pry off the border slave states from the Union. It is vastly more efficient than the negro question. The negro cry had lost its effect in the border states, for it was plain that the negro interest was better off within than it would be without the Union. But the cry of oppressive revenue laws in the North, enacted for the benefit of special interests, and that there is more freedom of trade in the South, will convince multitudes that they would improve their condition by going out of the Union. There is no necessity so pressing and exacting as the repeal of the Tariff abomination. It was intended to protect a few interests, and it will be ruinous to all. The system of favoritism in legislation is always pernicious. In these rev olutionary times it is fatal. There should be an extra session of Congress immediately, and within the first hour after its organization a bill should be introduced repealing the Tariff. The moment an extra session is called, and we think the call inevitable, petitions must be circulated throughout the West, praying and demanding the instant repudiation of the miserably short-sighted and'puerile policy of Pennsylvania. Every movement toward perfect freedom of trade with direct taxation for the support of the Government, is in the right direction. TO ENFORCE ITS LAWS, &c. The New York Times, (Rep.) draws the was Declared an "Offense"...The Present Programme following gloomy picture under the caption of Blocked Out Just After Lincoln's Nomination... Dawson's Letter to the " Albany Journal "...Giddings in the Chicago Convention; His Radical Doctrine Voted Down There; How Acted On... Lincoln's Letter of Acceptance... Lincoln and the Chicago Platform in Juxtaposition...Sumner Opens the Radical Ball..." New York Post" and Other Papers fear it was Premature...The Other Class of Disunionists... Treason of the "Chicago Tribune"...The Crittenden Resolutions...The Proclamation and Emancipation: Conclusions Thereon..." New York Tribune" and Other Sheets" Predict Good Things ...The Pope's Bull Against the Comet"...The Object to Divide the North, &c....Gov. Andrew Before and After the Proclamation...Choice Inconsistencies, &c... Money and Not the Proelamation Required to Make the "Roads Swarm'...Greeley Down on Old Abe... Seward Pronounces the Proclamation Unconstitutional. THE MORRILL TARIFF AS A MEANS TO HASTEN SECESSION AND DISSOLUTION. The passage of the MORRILL tariff, with its high pressure demands, just in the nick of time, when the Southern fever was at boiling pitch, was not only calculated to hasten secession and dissolution, but that act was passed under such circumstances, as to leave little 'Breakers Ahead:" "The enactment of a highly protective tariff on the heel of the last session of Congress, without the least provison made for its enforce ment, and at the very time when secession was so fully matured as to indicate its character and purpose, was an act of reckless folly unparalleled in our legislative history. The measure is equally bad in every point in which it can be viewed. It is not a revenue tariff.— Its object was to discourage importations. It cannot be enforced on more than three thousand miles of interior line. We treat the seceding States as a portion of our Confederacy, A ship may lawfully enter their ports and put its goods in warehouse. In seizures for con demnation, the case would be tried in the United States Courts, and before a "local" jury. No such jury exist. If they did it would be difficult to tell how the jury would ever in the premises. His guides are well decide. The President has no power what established laws which contemplated nothing |