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It also participated brilliantly in the battles of Mission Ridge and Lookout Mountain with credit to its former reputation. It formed part of the 1st brigade, 2d division, 4th army corps. In the charge up Mission Ridge the 73d was in the advance. Said General Sheridan, as the grand charge was commenced, "Go in 73d, you will do your duty, I know!" and most bravely did every officer and man in the regiment execute the command* They captured more prisoners than there were men in the regiment in the three successive charges they made assaulting the enemies' works."
Says our correspondent: "When the 73d Illinois appeared in the field it was called the 'Preachers' Regiment,' its Colonel and several of the officers being ministers, and the question was asked, 'Will such men fight? Can the soldiers be relied on, and will they fight under such commanders?' The world has yet to learn that the Christian hero is God's nobleman, and that the Christian soldier knows no fear. 'Will the preacher regiment fight?' has inquired more than one. Go to the records of Perryville, Ky., Stone River, Tenn., Chickamauga, Ga., and Mission Ridge, above the clouds, and they will tell you."
Colonel James F. Jaquess, of the 73d regiment Illinois volunteer infantry, was born in the state of Indiana, November 18, 1819. He is a graduate of the Indiana Asbury University, from which institution he has received the degrees of A. B., A. M. and D. D. After his graduation he entered upon the study of law, and applied himself closely for two years, during which time he completed the course of study prescribed in Transylvania University, Lexington, Ky., and when about to enter the institution with a view to graduation, he was licensed to preach in the Methodist Episcopal Church. In 1848 he was elected President of the Illinois Female College, at Jacksonville, 111., and served in that position for seven years. His popularity with the students a»nd friends and patrons of the college was unbounded, and he did much for female education.
His next position of labor was that of President of Quincy College, a regularly chartered institution, located at Quincy, Illinois.
Colonel* Jaquess' connection with the army is the result of most earnest solicitation on the part of those prominent in military affairs. His influence among the masses was such as would enable him to THE COLONEL IN DIXIE. 417
render efficient service in the cause. He entered upon the work of recruiting a regiment on the 1st of July, and reported at Camp But* ler 1st of August, with a full regiment, and was soon on his way to the field.
"When it was known that he was about to enter the army a lady inquired of Governor Yates as to the truth of the rumor, and being informed that such was certainly the case, said she, "Do you think Mr. Jaquess will make a colonel?" The Governor replied: "The best colonel in the United States." Without claiming all that, it is safe to say there have been few better ones.
In addition to leading his gallant regiment in the thickest of many a hard-fought fight, Colonel Jaquess has rendered the government important service not now to be made public. But one episode demands publication, and the more so as it has been given to the public in another form. It was no less than a visit to Jefferson Davis, and a conversation with him in the rebel executive chamber—a journey undertaken from a strong sense of religious duty. The appended account appeared in a weekly newspaper, and the author witnessed its "taking down:"
"A rap at the door of our sanctum! Enter—a tall, somewhat slim and altogether impressive form in the uniform of a Union colonel.
"Few men carry more character in their faces than Colonel Jaquess. With classic forehead, large blue eyes, so deep that, as Emerson says, c one may fall into them,' hair, and neatly trimmed beard, both wearing
"* The silver livery of advised age,'
firm, conscientious and dauntless—he is just the man to hurl his gauntlet at danger —fight his way into, or become a self-appointed embassador at Kichmond. Reluctantly he told us his story.
"The incidents of the ride to the city and the formalities which resulted in an interview between Colonel Jaquess, Mr. Gilmore, President Davis and Mr. Benjamin are already recorded by Mr. Gilmore. Colonel Jaquess states that he did not share Mr. Gilmore's fears respecting the important question of a safe deliverance from the rebel capital.
"The evening of the 18th finds the four persons above mentioned seated in a room in the Confederate State Department. After the formal introduction, it was fully Hgreed upon that in the discussion which was about to follow no personal offense was to be taken, even though it became necessary to employ plain language—and Colonel Jaquess says that he accepted the temporary status of affairs, and studiously and politely employed the terms * Mr. President' and 'Confederacy.' Mr. Benja
mki's first and most persistent effort was to secure an admission that the embassy was official, and after laboring thus in vain for thirty minutes, he then attempted to brow-beat the Colonel by employing the term 'spy,'and allusions to the ordinary fate of such. These tactics failing,-Colonel Jaquess had an opportunity to open a long, serious and exceedingly plain conversation with Mr. Davis, carefully selecting such points as in themselves gave least room for controversy. He emphasized the Statement that he was present only in his individual capacity, since he believed that neither of the contending powers would accept commissioners from the other and thus settle existing difficulties, and that negotiation would only end in wrangling, with the more desperate alienation, unless certain points could be previously adjusted by an unofficial delegation as a basis for further official discussion. The Colonel therefore remarked, * Mr. President, I came on my own responsibility to prepare the way, and I hope that we, as Christian gentlemen, may succeed in discussing the question fully, freely and frankly. I have long believed that our troubles were necessary to teach a threefold lesson:
iill. That the North might believe that the terms 'secession,' 'separation,' and independence,' when employed by Southerners, infant something /' (At this, the President was manifestly pleased)—
"'2. That the South should learn that one Southerner can not whip five Yankees —and
"* 3. That foreign nations might learn that the United States can never be defeated or insulted with impunity.'
"Mr. Davis then remarked with a degree of satisfaction that * the South had done its own fighting without foreign aid or sympathy.' Colonel Jaquess replied, with a commendable desire to assure Mr. Davis that the South would not lack further opportunities for display of valor, that 'we in the North have but one sentiment; viz., that of a vigorous prosecution of the war, and that no man could be elected President upon any other platform. We regard you as the aggressor, and if one party must lose its life, we feel not only at liberty, but under obligations, to take yours. We have a 'peace party,' but you cannot afford to trust it, for our masses are against you; and, Mr. Davis, you mistake the spirit of our people. We respect and love you, and in case of the sudden termination of the war, millions of Northern money would flow south to relieve your destitute and suffering. Indeed, we would sustain our President should he in such a case issue his proclamation of universal amnesty.'
"Mr. Davis, with the evident expectation of shaming this speech, replied, 'You have poorly manifested your "love" in your conduct of the war.'
"Replied the Colonel promptly, 'Oh, we are not just now making friends—we are fighting rebellion P
"Mr. Davis asserted that he foresaw this struggle, this bloodshed, etc., and while in Congress, strove to avert it. 'Before God,' said he, 'I have not a drop of this blood on my skirts!' The Colonel says he barely escaped the impulse of replying that 'this would be a dangerous appeal to carry before God.' Davis then proPERSONAL RESEMBLANCE. 419
ceeded with a long description of * state-rights,' etc., alluding to the Declaration of American Independence and its initial principle that the right to govern depends upon the consent of the governed—and added, 'if we of the South talk of peace and continued union, we will thereby confess that we have blundered in beginning this war.' Colonel Jaquess thinks that Mr. Davis' harangue would compare favorably with the prevailing style of copperhead speeches in the North, and would be fully endorsed by the late peace party.
"The next effort of our worthy Colonel was to change the drift of the conversation and to obtain the rebel ultimatum. Mr. Davis asserted that the Southern people have a deep-seated hatred of the Northerners. The Northern reply was, simply, 'I have failed to discover it,' and, the Colonel added, 'we are told that were an armistice for ninety days agreed upon, our people could not be induced to resume hostilities.' 'Oh,' said Mr. D., 'I am in favor of an armistice if you will admit our independence—for we are bound to have separation or annihilation I'
"* Then, Mr. Davis, you will obtain annihilation, for our people are determined you shall not establish the doctrine of secession.
"'Would you come back into the Union as a confederacy if we would give constitutional guarantees of your claims in the matter of slavery, etc. V
"At this point, Mr. Benjamin, who had been writhing for a long time, blurted out with volcanic heat and impatience: 'If the throat of every slave in the confederacy were cut, we would have nothing but separation!' Mr. Davis assented, and reiterated his alternative of 'separation or annihilation,' and again received the emphatic consolation that he would, in that case, inevitably be accommodated with the coveted annihilation. Mr. Gilmore here asked how they would be satisfied with the plan of submitting the question to the people, and allowing them to vote for Mr. Davis as the secession and Mr. Lincoln as the Union candidate ?' Yes,' said the Colonel, 'let the majority decide.' The reply was, from Mr. Davis, with an attempt at severity, 'You can do that in your consolidated form, but I have no right to ask my people thus to vote,' and here followed that heretical, despotic, antirepublican sentiment from the arch-rebel—' We have left you to rid ourselves of the despotism of majorities /'
"The Colonel suggested to Mr. Davis that he had better not let the Southern people know this, and received the assurance that he was at liberty 'to proclaim it from every house-top,' from the improvement of which invitation the Colonel was 'prevented by circumstances."*
"Mr. Benjamin, in his account of the occasion, asserts, for effect, that at this point Mr. Davis wished to close the interview. Colonel J. positively contradicts the statement, and asserts that he was the first to indicate such a desire. Three times did the Colonel arise, and three times was he detained by a renewal of the conversa* tion! Once Colonel J. asked Mr. D. if they would ever meet again. 'Oh, yes '— was the reply.
"Col. J.—My Northern friends say I look like 'Jeff. Davis.'
"Mr. D.—You ought not to consider it a compliment.
"Col. J.—I do not consider it a left-handed one, by any means.
"Mr. D.—Your resemblance to myself occurred to me when you entered the room.
"Col. J.—'And I had the corresponding thought at the same time.
"Then followed a talk for twenty minutes about ancestry, etc., in which both parties forgot that they were enemies—at the conclusion of which, Colonel J., for the third time, arose, saying, 'When may I come again?' 'When you come to tell me that the North is willing to let us govern ourselves in our own way!' The Colonel extended his hand, which was warmly grasped by both of the President's—and thus closed this remarkable interview.
"We have read Mr. Gilmore's published accounts, and have heard his two subsequent lectures upon the same topic. And now, having talked three or four hours with ColonelJaquess, we feel that the trip to Richmond was far from a mere romantic expedition, and that the accounts of Mr. Gilmore are far too flippant and superficial, while under the Colonel's grave recounting it rises to the dignity of a Providential mission. Certain it is that the effort of Mr. Benjamin, in his circular, to avert the consequences of the published statements—and his avowal of the designs and wishes, too, of the Southern leaders, went far, oh, so far, to gird up the loins of noble Northern freemen for the struggle in which God gave us victory on the 8th of last November."
BRIDGES' BATTERY—ILLINOIS LIGHT ARTILLERY,
Entered camp at Chicago, Illinois, June 21, 1861, as Company G, 19th Illinois Infantry—left Chicago June 12, 1861, with the following officers: Captain, Charles D. C. Williams, 1st Lieutenant, Lyman Bridges, 2d Lieutenant, Charles H. Holland, and served as such with that regiment in Missouri under Gen. Fremont. Captain "Williams having received an appointment in the marine service, and Lieutenant Roland having been appointed Captain in the 51st Illinois Infantry, Lieutenant Bridges was appointed Captain, and Sergeants Wm. Bishop and Morris D. Temple, were appointed Lieutenants in the company, and served in Kentucky, Tennessee and Alabama under Gen. Buell.
It formed a part of Gen. O. M. Mitchell's division in his advance upon Bowling Green, Kentucky, Nashville, Murfreesboro, Shelbyville, Tennessee, and Huntsville, Decatur, Tuscumbia, Alabama, in March and April, 1862. In June of that year, it marched to Chattanooga, Tennessee, as a part of Gen. Turchin's brigade of Gen. Negley's expedition. Returning to Huntsville, Alabama, it marched to Winchester, Tenn. The company was assigned to duty as provost guard, and Capt. Bridges Provost Marshal of the place.