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DARTMOUTH'S

NEW PRESIDENT

THE WEEK

College presidents are no longer selected solely from the so-called professional ranks. The new President of Dartmouth comes to his office from a life very far removed from that of the theologian or scholastic recluse, formerly the typical college president. Ernest Martin Hopkins has been engaged since his graduation from Dartmouth in 1901 part of the time in academic life and part of the time in wrestling with the most complex of modern industrial problems-the problem of the relation of employer and employee.

Dartmouth itself in recent years has illustrated the wide variation in vocations from which men are called to the college presidency. Mr. Hopkins's immediate predecessor, Ernest Fox Nichols, did not even have the Arts degree. He gained his eminence in the field of pure science, particularly by measuring planetary light and heat. Mr. Nichols's immediate predecessor, on the other hand, was Dr. Tucker, who, though a writer on social and economic questions, was, when he became president, primarily a clergyman, a preacher, a theologian. In contrast to both of these, Mr. Hopkins has gained his experience in the world of business and manufacture. It is, however, not on the material but on the human side of business and industry that he has been active.

After his graduation from Dartmouth Mr. Hopkins was appointed secretary to President Tucker, and for eight years had experience in academic life on the executive and administrative side. In 1910 he undertook a new line of work, but not as different from his former experience as it might at first seem. He associated himself as staff worker with various corporations--among them the Western Electric Company and the Bell Telephone System. He was among the first to interpret the functions of the employment manager, and helped to found the Association of Employment Managers in Boston, Philadelphia, and New York. Such a problem, for instance, as that of the relation of labor unions to efficient production is one that may be treated theoretically in books or practically by the management of an industrial plant. It is the practical side of such questions with which Mr. Hopkins has been dealing. The arbitrary discharge of an employee-to cite another instance-has usually been left in the power of department heads. To replace this by a scientific study of the causes for dis

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charging employees, and to substitute a rational, systematic method for the arbitrary will of a foreman, has been the sort of problem with which Mr. Hopkins has dealt.

This work on the human side of industry and business involves an educational process. It is just as much educational as the executive work connected with a university, and, indeed, calls for some of the methods of the university laboratory and class-room. Mr. Hopkins's experience, therefore, may be said to be directly in the line of the duties which he is now called upon to perform.

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As can be told from the photograph reproduced on another page, Mr. Hopkins is a young man. He is not yet forty years of age. He has been a loyal son of Dartmouth, and particularly active in alumni affairs. He founded the Dartmouth Alumni Magazine," and for some time was its editor. He believes more in the importance of "the method of the curriculum " than its content, to use his own phrase, or, to put it more colloquially, he believes that the way a subject is taught is more important than the subject itself. He has been a special student in vocational training and vocational guidance.

The selection of such a man illustrates not only the broadening of the American college, but also the broadening of the spirit of American business and industry. The barriers that used to be so firm between trade and science and the so-called professions are disappearing. The mellowing effect of the "humanities" is to be seen in business and in science, and the influence of business and of science in the direction of reality and exactitude is evident in those circles that once were regarded as safely and serenely academic.

MAYOR MITCHEL AND
THE CHILDREN

In his struggle to secure protection and good care for the children committed by the city to various charitable institutions, Mayor Mitchel, of New York City, has been receiving the support of substantial and influential citizens of various faiths. As our readers know, the Mayor's efforts to investigate conditions in these institutions have been vigorously opposed by certain men connected directly or indirectly with some of these institutions, and by certain members of the State Board of Charities. Testimony concerning some of the abuses in these institutions, Protestant as well as Catholic, was brought out at hearings before a

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missioner appointed by the Governor of the industry could not continue. One of the State.

As a result of the testimony at these hearings, Mayor Mitchel has laid a formal complaint before the District Attorney of New York County. The Mayor and his Police Commissioner hold that, in the course of the opposition to the investigation and reform of the institutions which housed some of the city's dependent children, certain breaches of the criminal law have been committed. Inasmuch as Grand Jury proceedings are secret, the District Attorney made an effort to find a judge before whom the matter could be laid openly and who would be acceptable to both parties. Unable to find such a judge, he laid the matter before Justice John Proctor Clarke, of the Appellate Division of the Su preme Court, who designated Justice Greenbaum, of the Supreme Court, to sit as judge in this matter to hear the Mayor's case. This, we are informed, is the only formal complaint in the matter that has been laid before the District Attorney.

In the meantime, as we have said, the Mayor has received letters and other expressions of confidence in him and many pledges of support for his brave course.

ADVERTISING MEN IN CONVENTION

Last week and the week before, in Philadelphia, the Associated Advertising Clubs of the World met in their twelfth Convention. Their principal meetings were held in the Metropolitan Opera-House and in the Commercial Museum of the University of Pennsyl vania. In addition there were departmental sessions at the University.

The sight of advertising men on university grounds would have seemed strange to academic minds of former days; but the modern conception of business and the modern conception of the university meet on common ground. Indeed, the President of the Associated Advertising Clubs, Mr. Houston, has received an honorary degree from the University of Pennsylvania. Lord Melbourne's indignation, which he expressed as he stalked out of a church in the midst of a very practical ethical sermon, because religion was allowed to invade the sphere of private life, is hardly more antiquated than is astonishment at the idea that intellectual standards should invade the sphere of business.

Advertising has become recognized as an essential element in modern life. Without it

results that the Associated Advertising Clubs of the World has helped to bring about is the practically universal recognition of the fact that advertising is essential to the merchandising of goods, and that it is useless to make things for sale unless there is some systematic and intelligent way of letting the consumer know how things may be obtained.

More than that, these Clubs have made it clear that it is of no use to advertise a product unless that product is a good product of its kind. Advertising will not sell that which of itself has no merit. And so the advertising agencies and advertising men have been influences for better production and better products.

In turn, the Associated Advertising Clubs of the World have laid emphasis, particularly in the last two or three years, upon the necessity of truthfulness in advertising. Not only must the goods themselves that are advertised be meritorious, but what is said about them in advertisements must be said in good faith.

It is a highly significant fact that advertising, which not so very many years ago had to bear the opprobrium resulting from practices that were fanciful and sensational and in disregard of truth or good faith, has now become one of the forces for ethical progress in busi

ness.

IN THE CAUSE OF FREEDOM

A few days ago a young American gave his life to the cause of France and her allies. He was in a military aeroplane over the German lines, and was shot.

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Those who are living aloof from the European war, considering it only a huge game played with the lives of men by blood-bespattered monarchs," may think of this young man as an adventurer, a soldier of fortune, who has merely paid the price for enjoying the thrill of combat. If there are any such, let them give heed to this incident, which we can vouch for.

That young man's father was in Germany at the outbreak of the European war. With scores and hundreds of other Americans he found his way to London. There he appeared in a hotel in the golfing costume he had on when the news of war came to him. The sights he had seen on his way, the brutal efficiency of that German military machine, the sense of oppression and denial of liberty, had outraged all his instincts as an American

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freeman, and when he reached English soil he felt himself liberated. There one of the staff of The Outlook met him and heard from his lips the story of a conversation he had had with one of his kinswomen in Germany, several of whose sons were in the German army. Just before the outbreak of the war he had been talking with her about German education, and had said to her: "The trouble with education in Germany is that it kills individual initiative; it destroys the power of a young man to think for himself." And his kinswoman replied, "Why should a young man think for himself? I crave nothing better for my sons than that they should lose themselves in the thought of the Empire."

That sacrifice of the individual's mind, the individual's heart, the individual's conscience, to the necessity or to the ambition of the state was to this man's mind intolerable, and when war broke out he wanted to reach as soon as possible some place where liberty still prevailed.

Now that man's son has died for France and her allies.

A SCHOOL OF HEALTH

Among the men and women of a community those who are to promote public health must be experts in that field. Now, as a matter of fact, cities and States have experienced great difficulty in finding ment equipped for promoting public health, sanitation, and preventive measures generally, and this despite the fact that the possibility of usefulness of such men has in recent years been shown to be practically without limit.

The efforts of the American Red Cross in combating typhus in Servia, and the efforts of the Rockefeller Foundation in its campaign against the hookworm disease, show what men and organizations can do when intelligent and rightly directed energy is "on tap."

The announcement, therefore, that the Rockefeller Foundation is going to establish an Institute of Hygiene and Public Health will be welcome in every State and city where there is need for trained experts along this line. The Rockefeller Foundation proposes to locate its Institute at Baltimore in connection with the Johns Hopkins University. In this building are to be housed various laboratories and departments needed in such a school-those of sanitary chemistry, for example, and of physiology as

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applied to hygiene, of bacteriology and protozoology, of epidemiology, of vital statistics, a museum and library. The schools of medicine, engineering, and social science, the hospital and other departments will supply additional facilities for instruction and research.

The work of organization is to be undertaken by Dr. William H. Welch and Dr. William H. Howell, respectively Professors of Pathology and Physiology at the Johns Hopkins University. Dr. Welch will be the director of the school.

With this announcement the Rockefeller Foundation has impressively added to its good deeds. Americans may justly expect that the School of Public Health, designed primarily to benefit those who plan to give their lives to the administration of scientific sanitation, will become an institution comparing in usefulness with the Rockefeller Institute for Medical Research.

UNHAPPY MEXICO-
OUR DUTY

The five great burdens of society are ignorance, poverty, war, pestilence, and famine. All five of these burdens have fallen upon the people of Mexico. During the last three years these burdens have been steadily growing heavier and the tragedy more terrible.

IGNORANCE

Nothing effective has ever been done for the education of the Mexican people. Such state schools as exist are ineffective. The teachers themselves are rarely prepared to teach. The sons and daughters of the educated class do not go into the teaching profession. The Church has opposed the state schools, and the Church schools have been ecclesiastical, not human. The one chief university of Mexico, established in 1551, once or twice suppressed, has finally lapsed. The incompetence of such educational institutions as have existed in Mexico is evidenced by the fact that from eighty to know how to read. eighty-five per cent of the population do not

POVERTY

The poverty of the common people is almost unbelievable. The peons have been robbed of their land by the Government, sometimes in disregard of law, sometimes by the operation of law. Under guise of pro

tecting titles, in 1894 notices were posted requiring landowners to appear on a certain day before a designated official and swear to the propriety of their claims. As the peons could not read, few of them paid any attention to these notices, and their lands were taken from them and sold to the favored rich. Successive Governments have forced paper money upon the people, with the result that Carranza money is now worth about two cents gold on the dollar, and many storekeepers will not take it at all. Last October the "Mexican Herald" advertised American flour at $115 per sack. What this means to Mexican laborers we leave our readers to imagine. As though this were not enough, Government officials have given Government sanction to counter

feit money. One of our correspondents

from Mexico has told our readers this story: "When the Villa Government called in its paper money to be validated, on the ground that some of it was counterfeit, this merchant found that the clerks at the stamping window could be reached' so that they would stamp the paper as valid instead of counterfeit. He was compelled to avail himself of this opportunity, along with other merchants, because the paper was actually valid, and he felt he had a right to persuade the clerks to stamp it valid."

WAR

To the burden of ignorance and poverty have been added for the last three years the burden of war. This has partly been a blind revolution of the peons against their employers, partly factional fights between political gangs possessing no political principles but formed only to advance the interest of the leaders whose names they bear, partly the work of bands of bandits graduating from the revolutionists and the political gangs and inspired simply by the desire for plunder. In these bands have been enlisted an increasing number of peons who, unable to earn money and suffering from other bandits, have fallen into what may almost be called a national habit. "Give a peon a rifle," says one of our correspondents," and he will fight for half as much as he could earn as a laborer or small farmer; for enlisting in the army means opportunity to travel, to avenge real or fancied wrongs on the property and persons of the rich men, and to enjoy the glamour of war that inevitably appeals to the half-Indian race."

There are no laws governing such a war

as this, no humanity to restrain the warriors, no far-sighted self-interest to lead them to preserve a land which they hope eventually to possess and a people whom they hope eventually to govern.

PESTILENCE AND FAMINE

In the trail of this devastating war have followed pestilence and famine.

The American Red Cross in Mexico re

ported in January last thirty thousand cases of typhus in Mexico City alone, and, in the November preceding it was providing daily rations to approximately one hundred thousand persons. We find it difficult to understand the incredible pride which led Carranza to request the American Red Cross to discontinue all relief operations on behalf of Mexican citizens for no other conceivable reason than that the Red Cross service demonstrated the inability of his so-called Government to provide the required relief.

OUR DUTY

What is the duty of the American people toward their neighbors whose life is being crushed out by this fivefold burden of ignorance, poverty, war, pestilence, and famine? Our Secretary of State has officially declared in his note to the South American Powers the answer of the Administration to this question:

I take this opportunity to inform you that this Government would have for its object, not intervention in Mexican affairs, with all the regrettable consequences which might result from such a policy, but the defense of American territory from further invasion by bands of armed Mexicans, protection of American citizens and property along the boundary from outrages committed by such bandits, and the prevention of future depredations by force of arms against the marauders infesting this region, and against a government which is encouraging and aiding them in their hostilities.

It is America's duty to protect American territory from Mexican marauders and to recover from the hands of Mexicans the captured soldiers whom we sent there to arrest Mexican marauders, and whom we are therefore under special obligation to protect. The American soldiers who are going to fulfill this part of our task are performing an important National duty and are making a sacrifice for their country's good. But this is not the whole duty of the Nation. We owe a duty to the people of Mexico as well.

To this unhappy people, suffering from this fivefold burden, we owe a duty of pro

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tection, food, and medicine. We should go into Mexico, not merely in a punitive expedition to capture and punish a robber chief, not merely in a protective expedition to guard our own citizens on our own territory from future marauding expeditions. We should go into Mexico to carry relief, succor, and help to a suffering neighbor. We should go into Mexico, not to fight the Mexicans, but to fight for the Mexicans, as we went into Cuba to fight for the Cubans, and as we went into the Philippines to fight Aguinaldo that we might protect the Filipinos. We repeat what we said last January, which was itself a repetition of what we had said in previous issues:

The Government of the United States ought, at the earliest possible moment, to send troops into Mexico. . . . Such a point or such points as American military authorities might select for the purpose should now be occupied by American troops. . . . Under the authority and guidance of these forces, Mexicans themselves should be formed into a constabulary force which should be the active force for pacification. . . . This is the method that was adopted in Cuba. Under General Leonard Wood, Cubans of character and ability were chosen to act in suppressing disorder in that island and in establishing orderly government. . . . If, in this intervention to protect American lives and property, the lives and property of Europeans for whom this country is responsible, and the lives and property of Mexicans themselves, Carranza will co-operate, so much the better. If he will not, he then must be counted among the enemies of Mexico.

We owe this duty to the Mexicans because they are our brothers, because they are unable to protect themselves, because the Golden Rule applies to nations as well as to individuals, because a purely selfish regard for our own interests, coupled with a selfish indifference to the interests of others, is as great a vice in a nation as in an individual, and because our Nation, wnich owes its own liberty in part to the aid furnished us in our time of peril by the French nation, has a special reason for rendering our aid to a people in the hour of their peril.

But this duty is reinforced and re-emphasized by the fact that we have some degree of responsibility for the present awful conditions in Mexico.

We are not responsible for the ignorance of the Mexican people. Our missionary bodies have done something by their churches

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and schools to lessen that ignorance. That their work has not been more effectual is due less to the failure of the churches than to conditions which made their work almost impossible.

But America has some share of responsibility for the poverty of the Mexican people. It is true that the common people of Mexico are better off, not worse off, because of American industries; that American pioneers in Mexico have been giving them better pay, better homes, better clothes, better food, and doing something to give them better schools than they before enjoyed. But it is also true that there have been some corrupt American capitalists in Mexico who have co-operated with a corrupt Government in capitalistic oppression; have obtained by corrupt methods special privileges; have fallen into, if they have not absolutely instigated, Mexican methods in getting possession of lands and their values; who have even acquiesced in, if not promoted, anarchy for personal profit. American employers of peon labor in Mexico frankly admitted to our correspondent, Mr. Mason, "that they prefer ten years of anarchy followed by the good old days of peon labor' to intervention of any kind which would mean the restoration of peace and a higher wage scale."

It

And as a Nation we have had no inconsiderable share in promoting the conditions which have produced anarchy and internecine war in Mexico. We think that our Administration did right in refusing to recognize the Government of Huerta. His was certainly not a de jure Government. It was brought about by treachery and assassination. would have represented the old capitalistic oppression. It might have preserved order-we cannot tell. So the Government of the Bourbon kings preserved order in France. We have no great admiration for a government which preserves order by garroting the people with one hand while it picks their pockets with the other.

But when we as a Nation drove Huerta from Mexico, destroying the only government it possessed, we made ourselves morally responsible for seeing that some other and better government was substituted in its place. It is a recognized principle of international law that if, by war, a nation destroys the government of a people, it is bound to maintain, at least for the time being, a government in the place of that which has been destroyed. The spirit of this principle, if not

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