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receive the approval of the President before it becomes law. As all sorts of little, petty, private-advantage matters may be and constantly are put into this round, it is more than likely that the meritorious, important proposition, not receiving “lobbying" attention, not pushed by private interest, will be sidetrached and lost. Notoriously, many biils are voted upon and passed of which those who vote for them know nothing.

Consider the con.mittee methods as one predominating factor of delay. At a recent hearing upon an important measure earnestly recommended by one of the greater Federal departments more than eighty per cent of the two days' time of the Congressmen was spent in discussing trifling details not at all related to the larger question of the bill under consideration. Irritated at first, I soon surrendered to the sheer enjoyment of watching the excellent men of this important committee play with the public business. It was exactly as if, when the question of building the great Pennsylvania terminal in New York was up for decision, the directors of that railway system had spent much time discussing the pattern of the grille work in front of the ticket windows, and some more time in haggling over how much should be paid the janitors ! Fourteen Congressmen were in action, and there were in attendance a half

dozen department men, to say nothing of the interested citizens. Officially, the cost was over $600 per day, and yet the question to be decided, if treated upon business princi. ples, could not have required for discussion more than two hours at the most.

Then the last hurdle to be surmounted is that of an appropriation, if the enactment needs public money.

Here business has no place; there is no “budget" system ; the chairman of the Appropriations Committee is all-powerful, and he " kills or makes alive." He means well, of course, but the method of consideration is not that which would be used in deciding upon an expenditure in the business office of The Outlook, to speak moderately!

Congress is slow, because the business it undertakes to do is not done by men trained in that business; because the methods in use are not modern or efficient; because there is the ever-present idea that compromise is an inevitable attribute of legislation ; because it is easier to listen to self-interest than to the public interest. All this is so because it is our accepted habit; and we are all as guilty as any Congressmen in continuing an absurd, antiquated, frightfully expensive, and inefficient method of conducting the public business.

J. HORACE MCFARLAND. Washington, D. C.





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R. H. G. WELLS is always inter

esting, often entertaining, rarely

convincing. One does not read him for the accuracy of his facts or the soundness of his thoughts, but because he stimulates one's own thinking. I do not accept his " European Forecast," I though I find much of value in it, but it has quickened in me an endeavor to forin a forecast of my own.

He believes that Germany will be beaten, but not crushed, and with her allies will be left militarist; that “the war has become a war of exhaustion;" that the end will come, not by a decisive victory on either side, but " What Is Coming? A European Forecast. By H. G. Wells. "The Macmillan Company, New York $1.5).

by the exhaustion o. one or all of the Powers engaged in the conflict ; that, though "nearly everybody wants peace, is really quite idle to dream of a warless world” in present world conditions ; that, nevertheless, the war - will make for world peace" and "a quickened general interest in its possibility ;" that the first step toward such a world peace will be the creation of three groups of powers—the Entente Powers constituting one group, the German or Cen. tral Powers another group, and the United States and the South American republics a third group; that with the reduction of the number of real Powers to these three, instead of scores, the chances of war will be greatly reduced ; and that these chances will be stiil


further diminished by the awful lesson against force which makes fit for survival ; that war the warlike spirit which this war has, not is therefore a biological, social, and moral wholly in vain, taught mankind.

necessity; and that it is the duty of every Mars will sit like a giant above all human

nation to equip itself with instruments of affairs for the next two decades, and the speech

warfare and be ready to engage in war whenof Mars is blunt and plain. He wil say to us

ever the opportunity for struggle with and all: “ Get your houses in order. If you squabble victory over surrounding nations offers itself. among yourselves, waste time, litigate, muddle, This spirit of militarism was destroyed in snatch profits and shirk obligations, I will cer- England by the great democratic revolution tainly come down upon you again. I have taken which characterized the beginning of the all your men between eighteen and fifty, and

nineteenth century; in France by the overkilled and maimed such as I pleased; millions

throw of Napoleon III in 1870 ; in Italy by of them. I have wasted your substance-con

the destruction of Bourbonism by Garibaldi temptuously. Now, mark you, you have multitudes of male children between the ages of nine

and Cavour ; it has no place in the policies and nineteen running about among you. De.

the ambitions of the United States. liglitful and beloved toys. And behind them

Inherited from Frederick the Great and come millions of delightful babies. Of these I imposed by Prussia on an essentially peacehave scarcely smashed and starved a paltry ful German people, it will not in Germany hundred thousand perhaps by the way. But go survive the issues of this war.

I agree with on muddling, each for himself and his parish Mr. Weils : “ Never were a people so disand his family and none for all the world, go on

illusioned as the Germans must already be, in the old way, stick to your rights,' stick to

never has a nation been called upon for your claims,' each one of you, make no concessions and no sacrifices, obstruct, waste, squab

so complete a mental readjustment.” The ble, and presently I will come back again and

grounds for that disillusion are abundant ; take all that fresh harvest of life I have spared,

the signs of that disillusion are evident ; all those millions that are now sweet children when it is completed, then, and not till then, and dear little boys and youths, and I will will there come the end of the war. squeeze it into red pulp between my hands, I I. With the death of militarism I hope to will mix it with the mud of trenches and feast

see the foundation of a better brotherhood. on it before your eyes, even more damnably

English, French, and Russians cannot fight than I have done with your grown-up sons and

together in the same trenches without leaving young men. And I have taken most of your superfluities already; next time I will take your

some of their prejudices dead upon the

battlefield. barest necessities.”

Each nation has done something

to care for the wounded and the prisoners of I have said that this book is to me chiefly the other nations; and there is no surer way valuable as a stimulant to thinking, and, with- to beget friendship for another than by renout writing further either in description or dering service. Greek, Roman Catholic, and criticism of Mr. Wells's forecast, I venture Protestant have worshiped together under tentatively on one of my own. It should, the same roof in the Young Men's Christian however, be described rather as a hope than Association tents, and can no longer look as a forecast, but it is a hope based on pres- upon each other with the old ecclesiastical ent currents in the world's history.

hatred. Christian and pagan working toI do not expect, and certainly do not hope, gether for a common cause have learned that Germany will be crushed. Her value as that there is a spirit of humanity deeper than a civilized and civilizing Power is far too great all differences of creed and ritual. The war to make such an issue conceivably possible. has done much to diminish and something to But I see reason to hope that the spirit of destroy those national race and religious militarism will as a result of this conflict prejudices which have prevented the brotherbe practically destroyed in all western Eu- hood of man from practical realization. rope. By militarism I mean the spirit inter- II. The war is making very thin the walls preted by Bernhardi in his famous exposition which separate a nation into alien castes of the duty of Germany—the spirit which After a butler has been made chief of staff believes that the law of the forest is the law and given a title of nobility it will be imposfor civilized man, that the supreme civilizing sible for philosophy to maintain the doctrines force is the ruthless laiv, " struggle for exist- that capacity and character depend upon ence, survival of the est, and destruction aristocratic breeding. Prejudices survive of the unfit;" that physical force is the only the philosophy which was created to defend




them ; but they do not permanently survive. tion of his book is devoted to a vigorous and The notion that the Negro is not a man but alway's entertaining indictment of individual. an animal could not outlive Booker T. Wash- ism and to an interpretation of the tendency ington and the intellectual and material prog- to substitute therefor a quasi-Socialism. “ The ress of his race. The daughters of the Allies,” he says, “ will become state firms, as aristocracy of England are working on Sun- Germany was, indeed, already becoming bedays in the munition factories to give the fore the war; setting private profit aside in daughters of the working classes one day in the common interest, handling agriculture, seven for rest and recreation. They can transport, shipping, coal, the supply of metals, never look down upon their working giil sisters the manufacture of a thousand staple articles, with quite the same pity akin to contempt, as national concerns." nor can their fellow-workers look up to their He does not lay equal emphasis upon, aristocratic sisters with quite the same envy indeed he hardly recognizes, any tendency akin to hate, as before.

toward industrial liberty. Like most SocialIII. The effect of the war on the relation istic writers, he treats individual liberty and between employer and employed it is not so social efficiency as sworn foes. I believe easy to forecast. Temporarily it has appar- that they are no more inconsistent forces in ently intensified rather than lessened the society than are centrifugal and centripetal strain between the two. The capitalists are forces in nature ; that Germany, the Socialmaking money out of the war. No wonder ized state, and Great Britain and France, the that the workingmen are eager to get their democratic states, will exchange ideas and share. Yet there seems to me to be a real ideals, and each will be better for the exvalue in the pregnant suggestions of Mr. change. Wells :

V. Similarly the world is learning that the We are beginning to agree that reasonably spirit of nationalism and the spirit of internaany man may be asked to die for his country; tionalism are not incongruous. The war is de what we have to recognize is that any man's veloping even in this country a new patriotism proprietorship, interest, claims, or rights may expressed not by shouting over the present just as properly be called upon to die...

nor by glorifying the past, but by service. For every one there are two diametrically

The spring of the great National movement different ways of thinking about life; there is

in the United States for military preparedindividualism, the way that comes as naturally as the grunt from a pig, of thinking outwardly

ness is no spirit of militarism, no liking for from oneself as the center of the universe, military glory, no ambition for military doand there is the way that every religion is trying minion, no sordid desire for military profits, in some form to teach, of thinking back to one- no craven fear of foreign invasion ; it is an self from greater standards and realities.

enkindled desire to render some service and It is at least reasonable to hope that this bear some burden in expression of a deeply larger view, taught in the trenches and by stirred spirit of American patriotism. So machine guns, will continue after the war to

far is this desire from being incongruous subordinate individual interests to the com- with the spirit of international brotherhood, mon welfare. This tendency will be aided that at the same time and by the same by the increased distribution of wealth which leaders the desire is expressed and plans the aftermath of this war is certain to bring. are formed for an international federation Political economists have long been telling us of world powers. As love for the family is that the economic problem of our time is r.ot the source of neighborliness, so neighborlithe acquisition but the right distribution of ness is the source of nationalism and nationwealth. There are already abundant signs, alism is the source of universal brotherhood. in the land tax, the progressive income tax, VI. Growing out of this better brotherhood the progressive inheritance tax, and the cor

between individuals of different races, relig. poration tax, of the growing resolve of de- ions, and castes in each nation, I look to see mocracy to transfer the burden of taxation a development of that brotherhood between from the shoulders of the poor to the shoul- nations of which the Hague Conference and ders of the rich. It will hardly be possible to the Hague Tribunal are a prophecy and a retransfer it after the war.

symptom. Dr. Alfred H. Fried's little book, IV. Mr. Wells lays great stress on the · The Restoration of Europe,”? gives both lesson of co-operation which Great Britain is 1 The Restoration of Europe. By Dr. Alfred H. Fried. learning from the war. A considerable

Trar-lated from the German by Lewis Stiles Gannets. por- The Macmillan Company, New York $1.

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Current Events Pictorially Treated

inspiration to the hope and clarity to the vision Europe. “ Militarism has been dealt a blow of such an international brotherhood—a book from which it can never recover.” the more significant because its author is a Mr. Fried's vision of a “co-operative EuGerman, though writing in Switzerland. rope ” appears to me much more significant

Imperialism has attempted to establish a than Mr. Wells's guesses at the map of world unity by subjugation. It has made Europe after the war. These guesses I this attempt again and again, and always shall not here report, nor shall I attempt any failed. Egypt, Babylon, Persia, Greece, Rome, guesses of my own. Nor shall I lengthen Spain, France, have all essayed the task. this Paper by describing his suggestive Germany will not succeed where they have chapter on the effect of the war upon the failed. In truth, Germany already begins to present consciousness and the future life of realize that she cannot succeed. “Imperial- the United States. But from that chapter ism attempts to achieve its aims clumsily, by I quote these special sentences, giving them a policy of force, with the desire to reap for my hearty indorsement and making them my a single state all the benefits of world organi- own : zation. It would impose order upon the The people of the United States have shed world instead of attaining it by mutual agree- their delusion that there is an Eastern and ment.” The Pan-American Union, the a Western Hemisphere, and that nothing can voluntary union of states in Great Britain,

ezer pass between them. but immigrants and the voluntary union of states in the United trists and trade. . This is one world, States, point out the way by which a world and bronets are a crop that spreads. organization is to be sought and obtained There is no real peace but the pence of the which will take the place of a world anarchy. whole world, and that is only to be kept by Not all armaments will disappear, but com- the whole world resisting and suppressing petitive armaments. Treaties will not become

aggression wherever it arises.

Vo longer scraps of paper. On the contrary, “ when

a political Thoreau in the woods, 1 sort of the fever is past, there will surely be a new

vegetarian recluse among nations, a being a and higher appreciation of the value of trea- negatire virtues and unpremeditateil superiori ties.” The Hague vision of a world organi- ties, she [ America) girds herself for a manly zation will be reinforced by a public will part in the toilsome world of men.determined to realize it in a co-operative The Knoll, Cornwall-on-Hudson.

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MEMBERS OF THE RUSSIAN DUMA ON A VISIT TO ENGLAND FOR A CONFERENCE sesed on the extreme right is Professor Milyukov, leader of the Liberal party in the Duma; seated in the bases with arms folded is Speaker Lowther, of the British House of Commons; next to him at in is Baron Rosen, formerly Russian Ambassador at Washington


Current Events Pictorially Treated



Commander of the Russian forces in the great new offensive against the Austrians

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MEMBERS OF THE RUSSIAN DUMA ON A VISIT TO ENGLAND FOR A CONFERENCE Seated on the extreme right is Professor Milyukov, leader of the Liberal party in thể Duma; seated in the center with arms folded is Speaker Lowther, of the British House of Commons; next to him at the right

is Baron Rosen, formerly Russian Ambassador at Washington


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