THE STORY OF THE WAR:
AT VERDUN

The beginning of the fourth month of the German attack on the position around Verdun saw the assault renewed with terrific violence in the week here reported-namely, May 17 to 24. The conflict was still raging at the end of the week. Not only did the main French defense remain unbroken, but friends of the Allies have again been gratified at the frequent reports of advances and counter-attacks made by the French. The most notable and sensational of these counter-attacks was that of May 21 against Fort Douaumont. With notable quickness of thought and boldness in action, the French commanders took advantage of the culmination of German effort in the other main field of attack-roughly speaking, Fort Douaumont is in the northeastern corner of the French defense, and the position in which Dead Man's Hill and Hill 304 are so prominent is at the northwestern corner of that defense. The French infantry accordingly was hurled, after a terrific bombardment, on Fort Douaumont, the capture of which was Germany's first great achievement at the beginning of the three months of struggle. French official reports asserted that after a furious assault the German resistance was broken down; that a large part of Fort Douaumont was taken by the French; and that the Germans retained only a small section in the northern part. But on May 25 Paris despatches admitted that the Germans had retaken Fort Douaumont, now a mass of ruins, but claimed that the French still held the adjacent ground. It is clear that the fighting was violent in all this quarter, that both sides suffered severely, and that, despite the final repulse of the French, the moral effect of this forward movement has been encouraging to the Allies.

Turning to the other main line of attack against Verdun, it must be borne in mind, to understand the situation, that Dead Man's Hill and Hill 304 face one another, and command by their fire the valley and road through which the German advance from the northeast is directed, simultaneously with a Ger

man advance on the other side-that is, to the west of Hill 304; and, furthermore, that Dead Man's Hill is only the northernmost of an elevated range of four hills, extending southward, all of which are tremendously fortified and all of which command by their fire any possible German advance either to the west or to the east of these hills. A study of a topographical map of the Verdun region shows immense difficulties in the way of these two lines of advance and indicates graphically to the eye that probably both lines of advance must be pushed through to a conclusion before the main position at Verdun can be taken. The fighting of the week under consideration was unparalleled in violence even by that of the first week or two of the attack on Verdun, but the one important gain of the Germans was the capture of the village of Cumières, east of Dead Man's Hill. All these hills seem almost to have been thrown down by chance about Verdun, and in their sweep of fire over the plains and the possible approaches make the breaking of the real Verdun line a task of almost incredible difficulty.

Over and over again the Germans in their attacks of last week at Verdun used their famous massed formation, which meant a vast and certain sacrifice of life, attempted to terrify the defenders by flaming liquids, and fought so desperately and audaciously that one might well surmise that the attack was a final effort and that its failure would be accepted as recognition of the fact that the Verdun situation is impregnable. German reports, however, declare that the German generals have never expected to carry the position by any single attack, that their plan is to gain ground inch by inch, and that they will be well satisfied if they finish the destruction of the Verdun defenses by the first of August.

THE NEW AUSTRIAN OFFENSIVE

It is a recognized principle of military strategy that the best defensive is often an offensive. In the fighting which has lately

been going on between Austria and Italy in the Trentino district this principle has been notably illustrated. The Italians, as announced in despatches from Rome quoted last week, had gathered a heavy force south of the city of Rovereto, which is just over the Italian line in Austria, and were evidently meditating a serious attack. Before this got under way, however, the Austrians themselves, it now appears, had gathered an extremely large force-one statement, attributed by a London despatch to the Italian General Staff, puts it at the improbable figure of six hundred thousand soldiers. The Trentino, it will be remembered, is the almost triangular section of Austria which extends like a wedge in northern Italy. It is one of the two main fields of campaign in which Italy is engaged, the other being to the north of Trieste. The Trentino is, roughly, about seventy miles in length from its tip to its northern limit, and something more than the same distance in its greatest width from east to west. Rivers and valleys play an important part in the strategy of this campaign, and the beautiful Lake Garda penetrates the southern tip of the triangle. The Adige and the Brenta Rivers, and the Sugana Valley, through which the latter river flows, have been prominent in the struggle, and the town of Rovereto has been the Italian object of attack.

As usual, the reports from the two combatant armies differ widely in their estimate of the importance and nature of the results so far obtained. There is no question, however, that the Italians were obliged to fall back and take new positions south of their old ones, although it is claimed from Rome that the retreat was "orderly and spontaneous." The Austrians claim to have captured many large and heavy guns, to have suffered small loss, to have taken prisoner sixty-five officers and over twenty-five hundred soldiers in one day's fighting, and even to have made such gains as ultimately to threaten the great Italian city of Vicenza-probably an exaggerated view.

This Austrian offensive, made, as the despatches point out, over ground of varying altitude and mountains still partly covered with snow, is undoubtedly one of the most extensive and important movements in the war between Austria and Italy. It puts Italy on the defensive in a region where (all things considered, and especially the fact that Austria has other important fronts to cover)

Italy might well be expected to be on the offensive. It is quite possible, however, to exaggerate the importance of Austria's offensive, and it is certain that Italy will strain every nerve to protect the rich and prosperous section now apparently threatened and to renew its attack on its much-coveted prize, the Trentino, into which it had previously made an appreciable advance.

BABIES AND THE BLOCKADE

For some time Dr. E. von Mach has been appealing to American sympathy on behalf of German babies. According to him, England's policy of establishing a blockade about the Teutonic Empires has resulted in depriving German babies and German nursing mothers of milk. He has urged Americans to subscribe to a fund for sending milk over to Germany by parcel post, and has attempted to arouse public opinion in support of a demand upon the American Government to insist that Great Britain let this milk through the blockade. The whole campaign has been based on the theory that England's siege of Germany is starving the German population.

Dr. von Mach is a strong pro-German. Now comes a report from another sympathizer with Germany, Mr. S. S. McClure. He reports in the New York "Evening Mail" that England is not succeeding in her alleged effort to starve Germany; that the mighty Teutonic Empire is self-sustaining; that the German babies never thrived so well as they are thriving to-day; that the infant death rate, so far from increasing as a result of the British blockade, is actually less in Germany than ever before.

This testimony from one pro-German has proved disconcerting to the other. Dr. von Mach has therefore written to the "Evening Mail," giving authority for his view that German babies are starving. And in the same issue Mr. McClure replies, giving authority for his statements that German babies are better off than ever.

Of course both of these cannot be right. It cannot be true that at the same time the German population is suffering untold misery from a cruel, brutal, savage blockade, and that the German population is thriving as never before through the wonderful efficiency of a mighty German Government.

In its attempt to appeal to the neutrals for support the German Government itself, however, has used both of these contradictory

arguments. It has appealed to neutrals for support by trying to enlist their sympathy for a besieged people suffering from starvation, and at the same time it has appealed to neutrals for support on the ground that the German Government is so efficient and strong, and therefore right, that it has been able, not only to fight a mighty war, but to provide for its people through successful organization ample food as well as other supplies. Thus, on April 5, in a speech before the Reichstag, which was intended undoubtedly as much for neutrals as it was for the German people, Chancellor von Bethmann Hollweg said: "Our enemies forget that, thanks to the organizing powers of our entire population, Germany is equal to the difficult task of the distribution of food supplies; they forget that the German nation is in possession of moral reserves great enough to reduce the standard of living, which has risen considerably in past years. . . . We shall not run short of anything in the future, just as we have not in the past." And yet in the same speech he appeals for Germany by denouncing Great Britain's policy of starvation.

Nothing could serve a better illustration of the difficulty of ascertaining the facts concerning conditions in Germany. When the German authorities want to persuade neutrals that Germany is mighty, and indeed unconquerable, they present a picture of internal prosperity. When they want to persuade neutrals that Great Britain is ruthless and barbarous, they present a picture of a famishing population. The truth is probably halfway between the two extremes. The rate of infant mortality in Germany, which is higher than that of most civilized countries--higher in Germany than in England, higher in Berlin than in New York-has during the war been decreased so that a baby has more chance of life in Germany now than it had before the war began. Mr. McClure prints statistics which support his statement as to the lower death rate in Berlin. He cites testimony as to the better health of the school-children and the satisfactory condition in regard to babies and mothers. He goes even further, and says that the improved health of the German people-babies, adults, soldiers in the trenches-is a matter of universal comment. On the other hand, there is little doubt that the German population is feeling the inconvenience and discomfort that comes from the deprivations consequent to war. Nowhere in Germany is there probably any

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such suffering as there was in Paris when the Germans were besieging that city in the war of 1870; but the German people are a besieged people, and are suffering the consequence of the siege.

Americans must not confuse the natural human sympathy which they feel for any people in distress with judgment concerning the right and the wrong of a great conflict like that of the European war.

MEXICO AND THE MILITIA

Our "second punitive expedition," that commanded by Colonel Frederick W. Sibley and composed of detachments of the Eighth and Fourteenth Cavalry Regiments, has withdrawn from Mexico. But it has been a success. It has really punished. And it has also rescued.

Following the rounding up of fourteen Mexican raiders by Major George T. Langhorne, which we reported last week, Major Langhorne, who led Troops A and B of the Eighth Cavalry-forming the advance guard of the Sibley party-rescued Jesse Deemer and Monroe Paine, two Americans who had been kidnapped by the Mexican band that raided Glen Springs. The captives were taken from their bandit guards at the little settlement of Santa Fé del Piño, ninety miles south of the Rio Grande. Although the bandits had had almost a week's start of Langhorne's men, the latter had been in the field only two and a half days when they overtook the marauders. This ride was one of the most valorous and spectacular performances ever accomplished by American soldiers. It compares favorably with any of the shining deeds that make the written record of the exploits of American cavalry in Indian warfare one of the brightest chapters in the military history of our country.

It is reported that during those two days and a half Langhorne's men hardly slept except for brief naps in the saddle, that they ate mainly as they rode, and that for forage their horses had to depend largely on the dry bunch-grass of the desert.

These troopers did not permit themselves much rest after the rescue of the two Americans, however. They pressed on, and a day later, forty-five miles farther into Mexico, ten troopers under Second Lieutenant S. W. Cramer, of Troop B, Eighth Cavalry, overtook a band of the fleeing desperadoes. A fight ensued. Five Mexicans were left in

the mesquite bushes for the services of those efficient undertakers of that country-the vultures. Two Mexicans were captured. No American was hurt.

About the time the Sibley expedition was withdrawn from Mexico-partly because it had accomplished much of the purpose for which it had been sent in, and partly because the expedition could not safely remain without large reinforcements-the Carranza Government's protests against the presence of this force of Americans became very vigorous. Almost synchronously with these protests a large movement of Carranza troops northward from central Mexico was reported. In the meanwhile the Pershing expedition is still marking time.

The Sibley-Langhorne expedition proved the value of well-trained men for international police work. The failure of the militia of Texas, New Mexico, and Arizona to respond promptly to the call for service proves the futility of depending on the National Guard in a National emergency. And, moreover, it has been discovered that many companies in all three States are far below their strength on paper.

The Outlook has already urged the abolition of the militia in its present form, with double allegiance to State and Nation. The failure of the militiamen of Arizona and New Mexico in this crisis ought to be convincing proof of the desirability of substituting for the present militia of ambiguous responsibility a Federal militia based on universal military training, with allegiance only to the National Government and responsible to the National Government alone.

WIRE-TAPPING CASES IN NEW YORK

The allegation by Mayor Mitchel of a longstanding conspiracy on the part of certain officials of the Catholic Church and laymen to obstruct the administration of justice and discredit his administration is, as we go to press, the latest and most sensational development of the investigation into the practice of what is known as "wire-tapping" on the part of the New York City police. This investigation has been conducted by the Joint Legislative Committee to look into the administration of the Public Service Law-the Committee which is generally called the Thompson Committee, after its Chairman, Senator George F. Thompson. "Wire-tapping" is the practice of "listening in" or overhearing telephonic conversations by means of a tap applied to

the wire under use without the knowledge of the parties to the conversation.

Two cases in particular have been cited by the opponents of the Mayor and the Commissioner as cases where the wires admittedly tapped by the police were leased by innocent and responsible persons. These cases are: first, that which involves Father Farrell, priest of a Brooklyn Roman Catholic church, and Dr. D. C. Potter and Dean Potter, his son, both, though former Protestants, associated with Father Farrell; and, second, the case of the law firm of Seymour & Seymour, whose wires were also tapped by order of the Police Commissioner.

In regard to the first case the salient points in Mayor Mitchel's testimony, as a witness before the Thompson Committee, are as follows: First, that there has been during his entire adminstration an organized conspiracy of Catholics to interfere with the supervision by the Charities Commissioner of the twenty-two thousand dependent children committed by the city to private charitable institutions, but supported to a considerable degree by city funds; second, that libelous pamphlets attacking the city administration and the Commissioner of Charities were circulated by the conspiracy of "co-religionists of my own "-Mayor Mitchel is a Catholic; third, that at a suggestion of the Mayor the Police Commissioner tapped the telephone wires of Father Farrell and of the two Messrs. Potter. This was done on the suspicion not only that Father Farrell, the professed author of the pamphlets, had committed criminal libel by virtue of the circulation of these documents, but that others who had conspired with him were also guilty of this crime.

The Mayor went on to say that by means of this wire-tapping the police got evidence that the four crimes of perjury, criminal libel, conspiracy to utter a criminal libel, and conspiracy to obstruct justice had been committed.

In regard to the case of police supervision of the wires of Seymour & Seymour, members of that firm have denied that they were engaged in any business of a criminal nature. They admitted that they were engaged in the consummation of a large transaction involving the purchase of munitions of war for the Allies. From this evidence the opponents of the city administration have based the hint that the Seymour wires were tapped by the police solely as an improper means of assist

ing a commercial competitor of the Seymour firm.

As to this charge The Outlook can say, on the best of authority, that the Police Department had what seemed to it to be abundant evidence to suspect that the supervision of the telephone wires of Seymour & Seymour would lead to the discovery of activities of a serious criminal nature. The firm of J. P. Morgan & Co., a competitor of Seymour & Seymour in munitions deals, complained to the police that valuable information was being stolen from them, apparently by a man in their employ. The preliminary investigation of the police established the fact that larceny had been committed and led them to believe that the stolen information was being sold to some one in the Seymour office. There was not the slightest evidence, however, that any member of the Seymour firm itself was involved.

On the same high authority, The Outlook is informed that the Federal Government had asked the New York Police Department to co-operate in the prevention of treachery and of violations of American neutrality. In fact, the Police Department has been of great service to the Federal Government in work of this nature; and just before the Seymour case was called to the attention of the police they had secured the conviction of a man named Schindel for stealing information from the National City Bank to be sold to Germany. The police believed that the Seymour case was of similar character to the National City Bank case.

POLICE ESPIONAGE

IN A DEMOCRACY

In regard to the whole question of wiretapping by the police, Commissioner Woods has made the following statement written for The Outlook:

We recognize fully that in all kinds of police work our duty is just as much to defend the honest man as to restrain the criminal. In detective methods, therefore, we must be just as careful to afford all possible protection against intrusion on the privacy of law-abiding citizens as we are to ferret out the criminal and bring him to justice.

Much detective work, at best, is disagreeable. It involves methods that no one likes to use. It involves eavesdropping, shadowing, looking through windows, listening to conversations. It would be wholly unjustifiable to do this sort of thing willfully where law-abiding citizens are concerned, but it would be equally a

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neglect of duty on the part of a police department if it failed to use these measures against thieves.

Listening to conversations can be done at short or at long range. At short range one can do it sometimes by hiding behind a screen, by listening at a door; doing it at long range one must resort to the dictagraph or to listening over telephone wires.

All these methods are essentially the same: necessary against thieves, unjustifiable against honest men. We try to take the most stringent precautions, not merely in listening on wires, but in all forms of detective work, to see to it that in taking strong action against crime and criminals the rights of others are protected. We believe we should be justly open to criticism if, on the one hand, we fail to take all proper precaution against the abuse of detective methods, and, on the other hand, if we fail to use all lawful methods to protect society against criminals.

Sometimes the best of us make mistakes. We may unjustly suspect a man of being a pickpocket and shadow him; we may unjustly suspect two perfectly honest citizens of plotting crime, and improperly listen to their private conversation; we may unwittingly, or by an error in judgment, listen to the conversation over telephone wires of honest, law-abiding persons-the record of such a conversation, however, would be immediately destroyed and forgotten. And it must be remembered that telephone conversations from their very nature cannot be private in the way that letters can be, since the employees of the telephone company cannot help hearing parts of conversations and may, if they are inclined, easily hear all. We may, and unfortunately do, at times arrest persons who are acquitted in court, but we have to keep on making arrests, simply using every possible precaution to see to it that injustice is not done.

Such mistakes are probably inevitable, since we are all human, but the effort has been and will continue to be strong and unremitting to reduce them to the lowest possible proportion, and I feel that we have been successful in doing this in the past.

The facts of this wire-tapping by the police are still under investigation by an official body. Charities Commissioner John A. Kingsbury and his legal adviser, Special Deputy Corporation Counsel William H. Hotchkiss, have just been indicted by the Kings County Grand Jury for tapping the wires of Father Farrell and the two Messrs. Potter for improper purposes, despite the assertion of Mayor Mitchel that the purpose was a legitimate one. The way in which the Mayor has stood by his subordinates against