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can be.

Yes. The American Government has Is there any justification for the view that gone into that carefully in a memorandum the United States should regard the illegal just made public.

destruction of American lives on a different If the American Government considers that plane from the disregard of its rights of cominternational law permits the armament of merce ? merchant vessels, why should the Se-retary of Certainly. The difference lies in this. State, in his note of January 18, have said : The right of life is an inherent right. The

I should adil that my Government is impressed right of property is a legal right. Legal right with the reasonableness of the argument that can always be compensated for by a monea merchant vessel carrying armament of any

tary consideration. The right of life never sort, in view of the character of the submarine warfare and the defensive weakness of under

Are there precedents for such forbearance as seas craft, should be held to be an auxiliary cruiser, and so treated by a neutral as well as

the Government has shown in the submarine by a belligerent Government, and is seriously negotiations with Germany ? considering instructing its officials accordingly? No precedents; but it may be assumed

The international principle has not changed. that there are reasons that never will be A merchantman still has the right to arm for made public. Of course there is one reason defense. But the burden of proof has changed that is obvious to everybody. The submasince the invention and use of the defensively rine is a new weapon of warfare. The Gerweak underseas craft. The old defensive mans maintain that the British are attempting armament on a merchantman can now be to starve their population. People at war used offensively with disastrous results to the never look ať any question entirely sanely, submarine. And a supposedly defensively and it is better to exhaust every possible armed merchantman may easily be a com- diplomatic channel before we resort to the merce raider in disguise. The old principle threat of breaking off relations. requires that the neutral should exercise What has been accomplished during the every care to prevent its own ports from year's negotiations with Germany over the being used by belligerent war-vessels. Since sinking of the Lusitania ? armed merchantmen may now easily become

We had practically reached an agreement war craft, the neutral must be far more until the renewal of submarine activity which strict in determining what war craft are, in has, so far, prevented a complete settlement. order to prevent itself from becoming liable. We were dealing with two features --past and The neutral must assume in practice that the future conduct. We thought future conduct presence of armament is against a vessel being was entirely settled by the assurance given of peaceful character, but must listen to the us, and the whole debate was over past conevidence. So far as the neutral is concerned, duct. We had practically reached a satisfacthe burden of proof is on the merchantman. tory settlement when the indiscriminate warThe belligerent on the high seas, on the fare was renewed and overturned everything. other hand, must be careful about the appli- How far can an American citizen support cation of the new rule, in order to prevent what he believes to be the justice of the cause wanton destruction of human life and property, of one of the belligerents without ceasing to be and must have positive evidence that the mer- (1 loyal citizen or causing undue embarrasschantman is in reality armed for aggression. ment to the American Government!

What answer should be made to those who He must do nothing that would in any way assert that the United States has not insisted contribute to the violation of our neutrality. upon its rights of neutral commerce as against What he says is largely a matter of taste. British interference ?

But the deed is material. For example, The United States has done much. But using this country as a basis for belligerent it has been embarrassed all the way through operations, by our own conduct during the Civil War. Why did the American Government not We changed the laws to suit our conditions take any action to prevent the massacre of the at that time. We did not go so far as Great Armenians ? Britain in the matter of the seizure of mails, We did all we could. We made protests. but we went some distance. But now we We got Germany to protest. We did not must stand on the law as it existed at the have the physical power to do anything furoutbreak of the present war, just as Great ther. What we did had to be entirely through Britain did in the Civil War.

moral and personal influence. We did a good




that way.

deal to relieve the situation, but not sufficient. is apparent.

There are difficulties in the Of course there is a measure of excuse, not matter of equality of representation. A Panfor the massacre. but for the policy of the American policy is best worked out by treaty, Turkish Government, which was to remove by which the countries bind them selves to the Armenians from the immediate seat of certain things. And there may be, so far as war. Other countries would have done the we are concerned, of course, at any time same thing, but in an entirely different way. an appeal to the Monroe Doctrine when our

Does the American Government expect to National safety is involved. The Monroe secure the protection of American lives and Doctrine is entirely National, for our own property in Mexico ?

protection. If we were to undertake fully to protect If the United St?s should withdrane life and property, we should have to go in from the Philippines, whit assurance would and take the country. The whole question there be: of intervention is involved. The majority (a) For the protection of the civilise i populado not want intervention by this country if it tion against the unciviisel inhabitants of the can be avoided. All of Mexico lias resented islands? our being in their country every minute since (b) That the weaker and less cirilized perwe have recently gone in. We must respect ples would not be exploited by the prelatory the inherent right of men to pick their own interests from among the more developed inhab. form of government. So far as property is itants of the islands?

concerned, those who go among non-civilized (e) For the protection of the lives and pron. peoples for profit expect more than a fair erty of Americans and ther foreigners for

return on their money, and expect to be whom we are responsible ? compensated for their loss, to a:1 extent, in (d) That the Philippines would not become

another apple of discord, for the possession of What relative importance attaches to the whiih the nations wound untend in the Far maintenance of order and the protection of lifi: East ! in Mexico as compared with the right of the (a) The civilized populations in the PhilipMexicans to continue in revolution or anarchy' ? pine Islands are thoroughly competent to

The right of revolution no one can den!. look after themselves so far as the attacks We might use moral influence for the main- from the non-civilized are concerned, both by tenance of order and the protection of life, their intelligence, arms, and numbers. but we would hardly be warranted in threat- (6) There could be no assurance that exening the Mexicans.

ploitation might not happen. We can only Within what geographic limits ani to what say that since the natives who now constitute extent shall the inituit Sates assist weaza the lawmaking body have been practically and more disturbed cuntries to meet their in authorized to legislate they have treated the ternational obligations, as has been done in people very well indeed. At least, under our the cases of Sın Domingo, Haiti, and Vicio observation and guidance they have shown ragua ?

themselves to be fair to the backward peoThat is a question of our own National ples. The chief danger is not that the natusafety. It is important in the countries men- ral resources and the backward inhabitants tioned that there should be peace and stabil. might be exploited, but that everything would ity of government in order that they may be let alone. not become a prey to foreign interests. This (c) Any government established by the applies particularly to the small countries Filipinos would have a disposition to protect around and about the Panama Canal.

foreigners. If any class of foreigners comIn working out a feasible policy of Pin plained, it would be likely to mean the subAmericanism for the common defense of the jection of the government to foreign tutelage. interests of all the republics on this hemi- The foreign investor would have to look sphere, hone' far is the Ameriran Government to our Government. But even here the situwilling to shoulder the burdens of armament ation in the Philippines is fortunate. The and administration without a suming a pre- Spaniards did not exploit the islands. Neither ponderating influence in determining the action have we exploited them. And a Philippine to be taken?

government, once established, would become Of course we are bound to maintain Pan

the possessor of forests and public domains Americanism mostly by our own force. That worth many times the value of the property under private ownership. A Philippine gov- treatment to the subjects of Japan and yet mainernment, if at all thrifty, could easily take tain its sovereign right to choose those whom it care of the public indebtedness, which is very will accept into the body of its citizens and small.

The only danger that might arise those whom it will permit to sojourn or take would be from extreme incompetence from up a permanent residence in this country? within.

The “gentlemen's agreement” which now (d) A matter of doubt. There is a good governs these matters between Japan and deal of difference of opinion within the Demo- the United States is working well, and there cratic party and among the Wilson support- is no complaint. And it is a good adage of ers. The very fact that the Philippines are diplomacy to let the sleeping dogs lie. Furthe richest tropical country anywhere, the thermore, so far as citizenship is concerned, most capable of development, makes a natu- we admit by our naturalization laws only ral temptation to any country wishing to go whites and those of African descent. Under into tropical colonization. The country is our laws no Japanese could be naturalized. not overpopulated and would develop rapidly. Those born in this country, however, become It is near the Chinese coast, and could get a citizens without regard to color. thrifty population without much trouble. The In how far is it necessary for a democratic Filipinos have always been a sheltered peo- government to keep its diplomacy secret! ple. The Spanish Government treated Without secrecy we never could hold confithem very well, was semi-religious in its dential negotiations at all. If we should discharacter, and protected them from the temp- close many things affecting the course of tations of the world. They have never been diplomacy we should destroy the usefulness called upon to protect themselves. They of our officers abroad and all possibility of have never been called upon to do most of completing the negotiations. the serious things connected with govern- How is it possible to reconcile a large meisment. We have given them much more ure of secrecy in the conduct of foreign affairs experience than they ever had, but we have with the necessary education of public opinion maintained a sufficient number of Americans and the securing of the support of the people in power to direct everything. We could not for the policies of the Government ? have extended participation in the govern- The only way to educate public opinion is ment much faster than we have without to proclaim a general policy and allow it to things breaking down. This is the conserva- be discussed among the people. This is tive Administration view. The radicals favor almost the first time that foreign affairs have the Clarke amendment, practically withdraw- really become so prominent that the people ing our leadership and responsibility within a of the United States have become thoroughly short time.

exercised over them. There is a great deal IVhat action, if any, is the American Gov- which can be disclosed and which it is imporernment taking to help preserve the integrity of tant to disclose and to have discussed in order China ?

to develop a sound public opinion. We are doing nothing except preserving Is the proposal of a langue to enforce peace all our rights. As to the integrity of China, compatible with the traditional policy of the there is much doubt if it is being particularly United States to avoid entangling alliances ? threatened.

An Administration beset by a problem of Is the American Government willing that the first magnitude of keeping the peace Japan should apply a Monroe Doctrine of her without any league, has not the time just now own to the Far East ?

to think much about leagues hereafter to The Monroe Doctrine is a National policy enforce peace. of defense. The Monroe Doctrine says that IVhat is the r'crdict of the future likely to be other countries shall not expand their hold- upon the whole wurse of the Wilson foreign ings in the Western Hemisphere. C'nder the policy? terms of a real Monroe Doctrine Japan could As to the foreign policy in general, there is not expand her holdings in the Orient. There reason to believe that in the cool judgment of is some question whether the United States history the President's conduct will meet with would be willing to have Japan apply "a the approval of all. The country is now Monroe Doctrine of her own.”

divided into camps and cannot see things What diplomatic policy can the United States dispassionately, and it is therefore impossible adopt which will accord a perfect eywality of to get an unbiased opinion. It is the chief




duty of every ruler to keep his country out to-day in the world war may be a distinct disof war as long as he can, and at the same advantage to-morrow. The only thing is to time maintain national honor. And the Na- go ahead on the line of what is best for the tional honor has not yet been compromised. country. And the best policy is to ignore Notes are very tiring to that section of the politics altogether. And this is certainly the people who desire action, but the Administra- method of patriotism, and the method which tion to-day has the record of having kept the the President has followed. Deep down country out of war.

beneath the surface the country is convinced Recently the editor of one of the great that the administration of foreign affairs has New York dailies talked with a high officer been wise and strong. Caution rather than of Government in the Department of State. vigor has been demanded in so grave a world This editor writes thundering editorials against situation. A year ago this country was more the Wilson Administration and its conduct of intensely divided into two camps than now. foreign affairs. As he was leaving he turned The controversy with Germany, for example, and said to the high officer of Government : is easier to handle to-day without war than it “ War is a frightful thing. I hope you will was a year ago. A year ago it would have keep us out of it.” To which the high officer been impossible to obtain concessions. Now of Government replied : “ That remark is we have been patient and dignified, and all very inconsistent with the editorials you are the Powers are getting towards the end of writing."

the road, are worried about what is going to No matter what step the Administration happen after the war, and are not so belligmay take just now, some one finds a political erent as they were. So they can all be reason for it at once. One critical view is that handled better, as the result of America's the recent firm stand of the President has been keeping her head and taking her time. made necessary by the position of Mr. Root and Mr. Roosevelt. But nobody close to the The foregoing questions and answers furPresident has the slightest belief in that. nish a fair and accurate presentation, I believe, Mr. Wilson knows too well that anybody who of the Administration's views of its foreign thinks of political advantage in such a crisis policy. is only a fool. What is political advantage Washington, May 2, 1916



Perhaps a note on the relative sensitiveness of the blind according to accurate measurements would be of interest to your readers in connection with the communications from the blind in recent numbers of The Outlook.

It seems to be generally assumed that when the blind person is forced to use the senses of touch and hearing in place of sight he develops an unusual sensitiveness in these ; witness the rather astonishing keenness of touch the blind person shows in reading raised print with his finger tips and accurate orientation in space through hearing

Through certain experiments in the psychological laboratory and incidental tests upon blind persons it has gradually dawned upon me that a distinction should be made between sen. sitiveness and ability to use a sense-in other words, between native sensory capacity of the sense organ and the acquired ability to use that capacity. In a preliminary way I found that

blind persons who had gained excellent skill in the reading of raised print and in special adjustments through hearing were no more sensitive to touch or to the hearing of direction of sound than I was.

The tests were, however, so devised that they should be equally fair to the trained and the untrained. For instance, one test of touch consisted in the ability to locate with the fingertip a hair placed under a sheet of paper on a glass plate. The only question put was this: Where is the hair? In the first test I used a human hair two inches long, and the blind person was able to locate it under thirty-two sheets of twenty-pound bond writing paper.

That seemed but a natural performance for a blind person. But behold my surprise when I tried it myself and found that I was able to do even better!

To put the matter to further test, one of my students, Mr. T. Ling, made an extremely careful series of measurements upon fifteen pupils in the lowa School for the Blind, selecting the

most advanced students of high school age who cut off Great Britain's supply of food instantly had been trained as pupils in the School for the and entirely and brought her to her knees by Blind for more than five years. Fifteen pupils starvation within two months after the instituof the Iowa City High School were selected tion of such a blockade ? for comparison with these. On these two It must be remembered also, as to Germany's groups of fifteen each he made six sets of complaint (that the Allies are trying to starve measurements as follows: (1) to locate a hair the civilian non-combatant population), that covered with paper; (2) to determine how far every bushel of American wheat going to Gerapart two points touched must be to be felt as many releases a bushel of German wheat to two-(a) on the finger-tip of the first finger of feed the army. Any importation of foodstuffs the right hand, and (6) on the forearm just above into Germany for the civil population is therethe wrist; (3) the ability to determine by lifting fore simply an indirect way of supporting the with the finger-tips which of two weights was

German army. the heavier ; (4) to tell whether at a given moment a five-gramme pressure upon the fingertips was increased or decreased ; (5) to tell

BERNHARDI ON UNIVERSAL SERVICE which of two successive sounds was the So much has been said about the military louder; and (6) to tell whether a given sound spirit that would be engendered by preparedcame from the right or the left of a given ness, the idea that if we were prepared for standard.

war we would insist on getting into trouble, It will be observed that this involves the that it might be interesting to note what F. von capacities most used by the blind as distin- Bernhardi says on this point in his “Germany guished from the seeing-those which are gen- and the Next War," pagell. He is deploring the erally assumed to be increased by use.

fact that Germany has no more of the war spirit, The result of these measurements may be and one of the reasons for this he states as follows: generalized in the single statement that there is " Universal military service, too, contributes to no significant difference in the sensitiveness of

the love of peace, for war in these days does the blind and the seeing in the tactual, muscular, not merely affect, as formerly, definite limited and auditory senses.

circles, but the whole nation suffers alike. All No seeing person can begin to guide himself families and all classes have to pay the same by touch and hearing without training, but the toll of human lives." He affirms that universal point here made is that the training does not military service makes war so real and brings it increase the sensitiveness of a sense organ. It so close to all the people that they are all the merely puts this capacity to better use. These more anxious to avoid war. F. C. SCOVILLE. experiments also bring into relief the fact that Greenwich, New York. all seeing persons do make constant use of touch, hearing, and the muscle sense.

AN AMERICAN IN MEXICO To sum up, then: the senses of touch and hearing and other senses usually drawn upon [The following extracts from a personal letter by the blind do not have their psycho-physic lately received by a friend of The Outlook who is capacity increased by the use they are put to by interested in a ranch in southwestern Mexico the blind. That capacity is set by heredity give a vivid idea of conditions in Mexico-all, as and very early development, and if any change he says, lapsing into savagery, and little hope felt takes place after infancy it is probably in the by Americans from their own Government.direction of deterioration.

THE Editors.) Carl E. SEASHORE. I received your letter at as I was passing Psychological Laboratory,

through on a quick trip to — from the ranch. The State University of Iowa.

I have not space to give you an idea of what such

a trip as this referred to is in these times here ; it IF GERMANY HAD HAD COMMAND OF THE is simply unbelievable, the outrages, discomSEA

forts, and dangers. I left the ranch to attend to Germany has complained bitterly of the business at a point five hours from here, intendattempt of England to starve out her civil ing to return the next day-took a toothbrush population in order to bring the war to a close. and a small towel in my pocket, absolutely This suggests a very pertinent question. Sup- nothing else. I spent five days in — before a pose that Germany, instead of Great Britain, chance offered to get away, and I slept in a filthy had had command of the sea at the very begin- room with ditto Mexicans, my clothes on most ning of the war. It has been stated many times of the time. From - - to — I journeyed on that the home supply of food for Great Britain top of a half-wrecked tank car through half the would not last over six weeks if her imports of night and day, and the balance of the journey on foodstuffs were stopped. Is there anybody the coal heap of the tender, the engine being so silly as to believe that Germany, in case she broken down and unable to draw the two empty had had command of the sea, would not have tank cars which made up the train. These

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