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will we not be in just the same position as we and by instruction in colleges and schools. were before, and therefore be as badly in debt This course of education was admirably carils before ?

ried on in Germany by the German Marine Because the cargoes of raw material that League. There are four thousand branches come in do not begin to have the value that of the German Marine League scattered the cargoes of manufactured exports have. throughout the interior of the German Empire,

But why can we not let foreigners attend and there is not a German laborer but knows to the business of carrying out oui exports that if he expects to have steady employment while we attend to other things ?

the things that he makes must be as steadily If you are running a big department store sold, and sold, if possible, outside of Germany and you find you have to deliver your goods itself, so that new money may come into the to your customers in order to hold their trade, Empire, and the result of his labor be not a you do not engage the delivery wagons of a mere transfer of old money from one German competitor who is trying to sell the same kind pocket to another German pocket. Three of goods to the same sort of people to whom hundred thousand school-children sing the you are trying to sell your goods. The thing praises of the German marine, and so thoris inconceivable.

oughly impregnated has the population beBut is it not the duty of America first to come with the fact that maritime enterprise develop her own resources rather than any:hing is complementary to the success of inland else?

enterprise that the idea of questioning any Certainly, and that is exactly what we are effort for the betterment of the German merdriving at, because the United States has cantile marine would never enter their been endowed with the most magnificent thoughts for a moment, any more than it maritime resources of any nation on the face would have entered the thoughts of our own of the globe. We are possessed of eight population a hundred years ago. A hundred thousand miles of magnificent sea-front, years ago the American people thoroughly and of the most commanding, commercially understood that, but their thoughts have strategic position in the world. With the drifted away and they have to be recalled to old civilization of Europe on the one hand, what they once took for granted. and the still older civilization of Asia on Granted that a merchant marine is needed the other, we make as little use of our and very important, what methods an we maritime “talents" as if we were in Switzer- use to build it up? land or Tibet. You remember the parable There are several methods that might of the talents. They are of various kinds. be advantageously employed. Among these Whole civilizations have flourished solely by might be enumerated the use of discriminatthe intelligent use of their maritime “ talents," ing duties in favor of goods carried in Ameras was the case with the ancient Cartha- ican bottoms. Again, there is the possibility ginians, and is now the case with Great of some form of subvention or generous Britain. Even in Germany, with only one payment to ships for the carrying of United hundred and thirty-five miles of “ maritime States mail, and especially for establishing talents," they have developed a foreign trade new mail routes to countries with which our of five hundred million dollars per annum in manufacturers must establish export trade excess of America's total foreign trade, relations. We can also pay the sailors themalthough America has eight thousand miles selves the difference between the American of “maritime talents.” Indeed, the mari. rate of wages and the average current nontime resources of America will prove to be American rate. There is also the possibility of as remunerative as her continental or land permitting lower rates on railway freight from resources of mines, forests, water powers, and interior points intended for export, and also the the like. We have a moral duty to perform necessity of encouraging our manufacturers in the development of these talents which to develop a far larger proportion of their Providence has intrusted to our keeping. output for specialized export purposes.

How can the great majority of Americans How does a discriminating duty work? who never see salt water conceivably be inter- Like this. An American ship, having arestel in this question, important as it seems rived in a foreign port, naturally needs freight to be!

The foreigner is Only by a campaign of popular education induced to employ the American ship rather and constant reminders through the press than the ship of some other nation because by so doing he will have a rebate of five per to keep a career open for the employment of cent-or whatever the rate may be

for her return voyage.

-on the

its citizens in maritime affairs. It is imtariff he would have to pay when his goods possible for a small group of American citi reached America. This policy was in exist- zens to keep a great industry open for the ence for the first fifty years of our National employment of perhaps one hundred thoulife, and worked with such splendid results sand American seamen, and it is for the that from 1795 to 1860 we carried, on an good of the Nation that those men should be average, eighty per cent of our overseas employed and employed steadily, as a matter commerce in American vessels. To-day the of National safety alone. Every seaman is a percentage is less than ten per cent.

potential maritime policeman or defender. Have we any trenties or agreements with Would the payments that you suggest to foreign nations that would prevent us from American sailors to make up an adequate doing this?

wage entitle the Government to their services in Yes, but they are only like a lease or any time of war? other business agreement. All of these trade Unquestionably so. It is for that very treaties are terminable at the will of either reason that they receive this extra pay, and party. In fact, to give force to the Seamen's they would become a part of our maritime Act these self-same treaties now are in proc- reserve, and their acceptance of this extra pay ess of abrogation or modification. It must would bind them to that part of the bargain. always be remembered that the most vital Would this payment by the Government to opposition to an American merchant marine American seamen constitute an inzestment has come from foreign sources. As foreign which the country would have to safeguard by ship-owners have discriminated against Amer- looking after the welfare of the men they paid ? ican ships by allowing a five per cent rebate Yes; and we ought to welcome that on goods carried in their ships, the only way responsibility for the sake of the Nation in which the United States can get even is and for the sake of the individual. Anyby allowing a discriminating duty on Ameri- thing is good that improves the selfcan ships.

respect of the sailor and cements the tie that Are Government payments to ship-veners binds the sailor to his Government and to gifts out of the public treasury to a special his country. There is a fine flavor of reinterest, or does the Vation get a zalue receii'eil spectability and of independence about the from them if they are properly arranged ! American laboring man that you find nowhere

As a matter of fact, the report of the else on the face of the earth. Why should Second Assistant Postmaster-General of the this not be the same in the case of the sea l'nited States shows that American ships laborer ? Americans will not go to sea unless under contract for the carriage of United they can go on the same terms of self-respect States mail were paid during 1915 $260,000 as they can go to their work on land. We less than they would have received if they had already have that spirit of self-respect in our not been under contract.

navy, and we must have it in our merchant As a rule, the public kicks at the idea of marine if we are going to have a merchant being taxed for something in which it has marine at all. no apparent interest, but the public does How can the Nation encourage and direct not object if it is taxed as a whole for the manufacturers to take thought for making sake of the seataring people. The man in goods for export, thus providing something for Kansas rebels at paving a tax when he our merchant marine to carry ? thinks a few rich corporations in New York I believe that the Inter-State Commerce will get the benefit of that tax, but the land Commission can help by amending its ruling laborer is perfectly willing to help the sea allowing lower rail rates on exports and laborer when he realizes that it is going to imports only to those carried in American be of general public benefit to have sea labor. vessels. I also believe that the Federal

Could subventions be so arranged that it Trade Commission can help by permitwoulit be perfectly clear that the Government ting Americans to combine in matters of was getting zalue received !

export trade, just as the German GovernAbsolutely so. The Government would ment not only permits but encourages its get a quid pro quo, just as in the instance exporters to do. If Germans are permitted already quoted in regard to the British mer- to stand shoulder to shoulder in dealing chant marine. The Government must help with America, why cannot Americans be




allowed to stand shoulder to shoulder in Alaska, and of the only available means of dealing with Germany or any other country? transportation at that time, which consisted of We live in an era of disintegration and dis- sledges drawn by dogs. Accordingly, only the trust, and in order to get a merchant marine best quality of goods could possibly be sent, we must make it an era of combination and and packing methods were entirely revolutionconfidence.

ized and adapted to the conditions aforesaid. Is there any reason why part of the capital Similarly with all our manufacturers, as a for our merchant marine should not be supplied whole. They already appreciate the fact that by the railways that would feed that merchant overhead charges run for twelve months in marine with freight?

the year, and that the dispersion of skilled I can see no possible reason why railways labor and the difficulty of reassembling it should not have the right to extend their after a shut-down is a most serious impedifacilities to their overseas termini. It must ment to their business success. They must be remembered that the terminus of Ameri- also realize the fact that there is no stabilizer can products is not at some point on the sea or equilibrator in manufacturing enterprise coast of America itself, but at some chief that begins to equal the export trade, and distributive point in the country where those manufacturers must consequently devote at products will be sold. In other words, our least twenty-five per cent of their energy to termini lie across the seas; they are not here. the development of foreign trade and its variThe railways that bring passengers to Hoboken ous requirements. and Weehawken and Jersey City do not really What do you consider the most important bring their passengers to their destination factor in the whole question of American until they take them across the river in some maritime development ! way to New York City; and the ferriage A fixed habit of thought on the part of the across the ocean is just as much a part of the entire population. We are always in danger railway's function as the trip across the river. " lest we forget." An instance of this occurred

If the railways were permitted to own mer- very recently. Mr. Whitman, the Governor chant ships, would they not crowd out every'- of the most important maritime State in the body else who wanted to go into the business ? Republic, so far forgot the necessity to the

No; no more than a railway train can leave country of educating and maintaining the its rails and career all over the countryside breed of men upon whose activities the ecolike an automobile. Railway and steamer nomic future of the Republic depends that combination traffic is strictly limited to certain he actually recommended the abolition of foreign termini, such as Nagasaki, Liverpool, the nautical training-ship of New York State ; London, Hamburg, etc. These ships follow and this at the very moment when the certain ocean lanes almost as undeviatingly as whole Nation is agitating itself as to what is the train glides along the rails. Such ocean the best thing to do to make us maritimely traffic constitutes only one-twentieth of the independent. The Governor had nothing ocean-borne traffic of the world, and a railway but good intentions in the matter, and when company could no more go into the tramp the importance of the training-ship was made steamship business than it could fly. The evident by discussion he ceased to press the danger is purely imaginary.

The tramp

recommendation; but the episode indicates steamers of Great Britain form about seventy- that his habit of mind did not lead him five per cent of her total ocean tonnage. involuntarily to hold on to the necessity of the

What can the manufacturers themselves do training-ship as an asset of incalculable value to form the habit of thinking about making to the State. He probably was sore pressed products for erport?

by urgent requests to economize in one direcThe best answer to that is the instance of tion or another, and thought that this was a how Seattle and San Francisco captured the little affair of no particular moment that could Alaskan trade. At the time of the discovery be about as easily dropped as anything else. of gold in Alaska there was a great rush of If this is true of the Governor of the State of people there and they had to have supplies. New York, what can we expect of the averOvernight there thus came to Seattle and age citizen of an inland State ? San Francisco a new demand for goods. The IVhat is the moral duty of America in this merchants and manufacturers quickly adapted matter? themselves to the circumstances, and made I believe that a nation or an individual a study of the kind of goods required in has to grow somewhat like a tree—that is

to say, for the first few years of its life it must be selfish in order to gain strength. The tree draws to itself from all directions, from the forces of earth, sky, and sunshine; but the time comes when it has to show its fruits. And just

with a nation. This is exactly what has happened with Spain, Portugal, France, and Great Britain. Each nation, in turn, had to bear the white man's burden. It has come to America ; and what we have done already

in Cuba, and what we have proposed to do and are undertaking to do in the Philippines, is to bear this fruit that other peoples as well as ourselves may enjoy it ; and I am perfectly sure that if America is to make her contribution to civilization by carrying her ideas and ideals to people that want them she cannot depend upon other nations to do it for her, but must do it herself under the Stars and Stripes.





HE course of the present National

Administration in the conduct of

international affairs has been almost continuously under fire since Mr. Wilson became President. In line with the plan of presenting the point of view of both political friends and opponents in at least a straightforward and sympathetic manner, I have sought to learn as nearly as possible at first hand the inner thought of the Administration at Washington upon the international relations which have now so long vexed the country. The questions are questions which I propounded, after counseling with others as to their form in order that they might offer a courteous and sympathetic approach to the proper answers from the Administration view-point. The answers are not mine. They are the answers of those to whom the questions were directly put.

Although I have no authority to say that any officer of the Administration is responsible for the language used, yet the readers of The Outlook may be assured that the answers are obtained from intimate and entirely trustworthy sources, and represent with exactness the point of view of the Wilson Administration. When the natural reluctance of high officials to speak freely upon international matters is taken into account, I cannot refrain from expressing my appreciation of the cordiality and frankness with which these inquiries were specifically met.

What was the nature of the obligation assumed by the United States under Articles I and II of the Fifth Convention adopted by the Second Hague Conference regarding the Rights and Duties of Neutral Powers in Case of War on Land," which provides that " he territory of neutral Powers is inviolable," and that " belligerents are forbidden to move troops or convoys of either munitions of war or supplies across the territory of a neutral Power"'?

There is a distinction between neutralized states and neutral states. Belgium was a neutralised state, a status imposed upon it by conventional agreement between certain European Powers that were interested either in the maintenance of Belgium as a political entity or in keeping Belgium from being a base of military or any other kind of assistance to neighboring states. Neutralization is a condition of permanent neutrality in peace and war, and only the Powers guaranteeing neutralization have any legal right to complain of any violation of the treaty. The United States had no part in the neutralization of Belgium. It was an affair of European politics.

Veutrality has to do with the attitude of states at the outbreak of an international war. The Hague Conventions contemplate the rights and duties of states which remain neutral during war. Belgium at the beginning of the war' elected to be a neutral state, and under the Fifth Convention the territory of neutral Powers is inviolable. But the Germans violated no Hague Convention by invading Belgium. For what was regarded as good reason, namely, the refusal of Bel

Is or was there any obligation resting up in the United States relative to the maintenance of the inviolability of Belgium





gium to allow a free passage for troops, How far will the Government go to protect Germany declared war before invading the Americans from jeopardy on the high seas ? territory of the neutral. She may therefore This is the physical side, and it is up to the have violated the neutralization agreement, President as to the length to which he will go to which the United States was never a in the use of the naval arm particularly, and party, but not the Hague Convention with also the military arm. respect to neutrality, to which the United Will American citizens employeil on any States was a party. A belligerent under the freighter flying a belligerent flag be protected rules of international law may attack a neutral against unlawful attack to the same extent as after stating its own casus belli. Third American passengers traveling on liners ? parties like the United States can offer to There are two points of view with respect mediate only over matters at variance, and to that: this the President did in general terms in the (a) By taking employment on such a vesinterest of European peace on the 4th and sel American citizens acquire a belligerent 5th of August, 1914. Furthermore, the character to an extent. delegates to The Hague from the United (6) On the other hand, men who are folStates explicitly absolved this country from lowing their customary vocations have to entangling itself with European politics or seek employment where they can get it. administration.

They are, therefore, perhaps, entitled to even Are the consilerations in regard to the main- more protection than passengers. The Adtenance of neutrality paramount to those of ministration has not yet reached a conclusion. humanity and international justice ?

If it be an entirely unwarranted attack, it All a neutral can do is to maintain its own might very justly be complained of. It would rights and, indirectly, the rights of humanity. not appear that we would have any right to At bottom, however, the principles of human- make any great distinction between freighters ity are at the basis of international law. and liners. In the case of a freighter there

Are there firm principles of international is a little more justification in sinking it, but law to guide the Administration in the attitude probably the protection of life is just as vital. which it assumes relative to the questions of To what extent is the Government justified submarine warfare and the interference with in taking action to vindicate the National neutral rights ?

honor? The principles are there. Rules are less Any action that it sees fit. We should be sure, but founded on principles. This is careful, however, about putting National inillustrated by the memorandum with respect terest above National right. The foundation to armed merchantmen issued on April 26 of the Republic is upon National right. The under direction of the President. The inter- emphasis upon National interest is a part of national principle with respect to armed mer- the utilitarian tendency of the whole age, of chantmen is clear. The principle is that which another manifestation is the exaltation the merchantman, even though armed, is of efficiency. armed for defense and is of peaceful charac- In how far should a self-respecting Governter. But the rule or standard of evidence is ment modify its stand in regard to the defense not necessarily the same for the neutral and of its rights in the presence of a threatenet the belligerent. The neutral must be more recourse to force on the part of a foreign goz'strict in practice with respect to the evidence ernment ? of hostile purpose because it may unwittingly Not at all. violate neutrality in its own ports. The IVill the Grernment 11se its power to protect belligerent on the high seas must be cautious the lives of non-combatants, whether they be neutin the opposite direction and guard against trals or citisens of one of the nations at war? the wanton destruction of humanity and prop- It is hard to say. The Government might erty.

confine itself to expressing abhorrence at such What redress will the Government consider destruction of life. The question of how far as holding Germany 1) (1 strict accountability we would be warranted in going depends very for the destruction of Ameri an litres ?

much upon the circumstances of the particular That depends on what the proper amends are in each case. Of course there will be an Should the t'nited States define the defonindemnity, which will be an admission of sive armament permissible to merchantmen liability.

entering our ports ?


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