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minded man might very well answer: (1) against a great, big bully, and the bully is sudThere is no autonomy in sight.

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denly attacked by his equal, do I understand that Rule," so called (on the shelf and under sen- your ethical instincts would prompt you galtence to be beheaded for the Orangeman lantly to help the fellow who was thrashing you, before the cadaver is given to the Irishman), against the intruder, or even politely to stand with its provision that England would still aside till your bully, having got rid of his enemy, retain all control of the very little which is had time to devote his complete and undileft of Irish trade and industries—and retain vided attention again to your annihilation ? complete control of Irish taxation—is a huge (2) With regard to the rival systems—the joke. (2) It is as practicable to yoke the British and the German—let us hark back to plow horse and the race horse in the same that hungry man that we left unfed a while team as it is to yoke the English and the back. You tell this poor wretch, " There are Irish nations. It would be as practicable to two fellows, John and Fritz, contending for federate a conquered France into the Ger- the job of bread-agent-at-large to the whole man Empire as it is to federate conquered world. Fritz's bread is mighty unpalatable to Ireland into the British Empire. We are as real epicures. John's bread, on the other far apart as the poles in race, creed, and hand, has a superior flavor-a fine, nutty color, body, mind, and soul, methods, man- flavor, in fact. We want you to help us get ners, ambitions, and ideals.

the job for John. We admit that, till this Every one of your vile and greedy big contest arose, we, getting enough ourselves, Trusts in this country is terribly anxious to never bothered about you. But, fine noble federate the little independent fellow in with fellow that you are, forget that. We need you him. And when the little independent fel- now. Rub the rust off your bread-knife, up and low boldly rebels and goes down “futilely ” follow ! On, on, for John and his nutty bread!" fighting, all true Americans applaud him. The hungry wretch will make answer : How wide you would open your eyes if I “ Friend, why bother me about which bread suggested that America should be happy to tastes best on your tired tongue ? What I federate into the German Empire ! After want is BREAD. I am going to win a way you recovered from the shock some of the to make my own. I did make my own once. brightest of you would remember to say, And I served the world with it, too. “Oh, but Germany hasn't conquered us!” God-sent protector, the Friend and Champion But, I come back, Supposing Germany had of all weak people, came to my house—and conquered you ?

behold me now ! For the answer to question No. 2, then, Now I want bread-black bread-war look within your own American, liberty-loving bread-pretzels! Any but the bread of bitterheart: ask even Obregon or Villa whether ness that has been poisoning my veins through they prefer federation with the United States the ages, till the flesh has withered from my to complete independence.

bones, and the world, as it goes by, stops to We Irish seek complete independence point and whisper. I want bread, bread! and because we are men almost as brave, almost I'll have bread! And the preferences of your as spiritual, almost as intelligent, as the Eng. blasé palate are of small concern to a man lish ; and having, under God, the same right dying of starvation." to decide what we shall do with our land, as That answers the third question. And Americans with America, Cubans with Cuba, those are some whys of endless Irish uprisings. and Englishmen with England.

His honest English countenance beaming The editor's third and last question was : with that blissful smile which the wolf wore Why did the Irish revolutionists seize for on quitting Red Riding Hood's grandmother's their work the present critical moment when, house, John Bull, on his apron, is now leisurely if Germany wins, she will force her social wiping Rebels' blood from his butcher's knife, and ethical, intellectual and political, bonds and feeling free to sally forth again, in the upon the whole world ?

name of England, God, and civilization (tail Without pausing to marvel at England's of right eye turned westward), to avenge all phenomenal success in making thinking men oppression that is manufactured in the workin America swallow her estimate of her shops of his trade rival. deadly enemy and of that deadly enemy's But Something stalks behind, John. Some“system," I shall answer :

thing stalks behind-drawing nearer, nearer, (1) If you, a weak little man, are struggling these days. And It heads a multitudinous

But my




shadowy host. IT goes by a Greek name. young men, and terribly earnest, from an Isle THEY are the ghosts of the murdered ones of Sorrow in the ocean have just joined the from earth's ends whose liberties you ravished, avenging host. whose hearths you desecrated, whose lands Of no avail now to draw closer round you you stole, and whose red heart's blood you that old threadbare cloak of hypocrisy. The gulped. The ghosts of twelve very beautiful hour is striking. It is time to pray.



Now, my son, is life for you,
And I wish you joy of it-,
Joy of power in all you do,
Deeper passion, better wit
Than I had who had enough,
Quicker life and length thereof,
More of every gift but love.
Love I have beyond all men,
Love that now you share with me-
What have I to wish you then
But that you be good and free,
And that God to you may give
Grace in stronger days to live ?
For I wish you more than I
Ever knew of glorious deed,
Though no rapture passed me by
That an eager heart could heed,
Though I followed heights and sought
Things the sequel never brought :
Wild and perilous holy things
Flaming with a martyr's blood,
And the joy that laughs and sings
Where a foe must be withstood,
Joy of headlong happy chance
Leading on the battle dance.
But I found no enemy,
No man in a world of wrong,
That Christ's word of charity
Did not render clean and strong-
Who was I to judge my kind,
Blindest groper of the blind ?
God to you may give the sight
And the clear undoubting strength
Wars to knit for single right,
Freedom's war to knit at length,
And to win, through wrath and strife,
To the sequel of my life.
But for you, so small and young,
Born on Saint Cecilia's Day,
I in more harmonious song
Now for nearer joys should pray-.
Simple joys: the natural growth

Of your childhood and your youth,
Courage, innocence, and truth:
These for you, so small and young,
In your hand and heart and tongue.

- From Lyrical Poems. Published in 1913.


The Outlook's attitude towards the Irish of Napoleon, the greatest of England's foes. revolt is the conventional one of many at St. Helena, with the dubbing of him as American newspapers, and is for that reason “General Bonaparte”? These qualities of hardly as philosophical as one would expect the British have shown themselves perenin The Outlook. The ordinary American nially in Ireland. In addition, at present says, “ The poor fools of Irish ! why do they that island is borne down with taxation worse trouble themselves—and us—with a revolt ?" than the Stamp Tax which brought on the He forgets that his own forebears were once American Revolution. Why should not the in precisely the same case as the Irish. Why Irish have taken the opportunity to revolt? did not such “poor fools” as Washington They failed for lack of money and aid, just and Adams cheerfully accept the tyranny of as America would have failed but for French the British? Why did they take advantage aid in 1781. But why deny the legitimacy of France's antipathy to Great Britain to get of the Irish provocation and the validity of her aid in their rebellion ? Why do not the the opportunity ? Belgians and the Servians accept their pres- These Irish revolutionists were idealists. ent lot as subject peoples with cheerful They lacked judgment. They certainly might resignation? Why the universal longing of better have died with their swords in their distinct races for independence from coer- hands than to have surrendered to be shot cion by other peoples ?

down ignobly without mercy, as if they were Can you doubt that in a fair plebiscite of in Mexico. But why condemn them for their the Irish people a vast majority would elect aspiration for freedom for their race? Why to be free from British rule? Why, then, as not honor them, as sharers of the glory of Americans who once felt the hardships of Andreas Hofer, of Arnold von Winkelried, of that rule, are you so unsympathetic towards Patrick Henry, of John Brown, of Catherine an attempt to realize the ideals of the Ameri- Breshkovsky-of all the great company of can Revolution ? Is it because you favor a

idealists who have striven, whether successdifferent form of the Christian religion from fully or unsuccessfully, for the boon of racial that of the majority of the Irish people ? freedom? Surely not. Is it because the attempt, as

KATHLEEN HACKETT MOORE. you say, was “ hopeless ”? Do you, then, Brooklyn, New York. counsel meek submission on the part of the Belgians and Servians to their German con- [We do not condemn the Irish republicans querors ? On the contrary, would you not merely because they were rebels. Washington praise as “ heroism ” any attempt, however was a rebel, and we honor him forit. We do not futile, on the part of the Belgians to over- condemn the Irish republicans merely because throw their masters ? Why, then, scorn an they sacrificed their lives in a forlorn hope. So Irish attempt of the same sort ?

did Leonidas, and his name is illustrious in The fact is that we too easily forget that history. We do not even condemn the Irish the British are an overbearing, masterful republicans merely because they attempted the people whose rule we could not ourselves utterly impossible—the impossible has been abide. Have they not in many cases, indeed, too often achieved. We condemn them pursued the same ungenerous course toward because in the hour of Ireland's greatest their enemies that we protest against in the need and largest opportunity they had not Germans ? Can we forget the British van- the vision to put aside the bitter memory of dalism, equal to that of Louvain, which de- ancient wrongs nor the wisdom to choose stroyed our National Capitol ? the shooting the surest path to the liberty and freedom of the captive Mogul princes, the last of for which they were willing to die.—THE their line, in India ? the petty persecution EDITORS.]



Once to be seen floating over all the seas, the American flag is now a stranger in foreign ports. The people of the United States are dependent upon aliens to carry and deliver their goods to other lands. The war has shown us how hazardous the present situation is. The best way to find out what the situa ion is and what ought to be done about it is to go to an authority on the subject. For that reason we have asked Mr. Ross, the President of the National Marine League of the United States of America, to answer some questions. We print our questions and Mr. Ross's answers herewith.

Mr. Ross's point of view is not that of a mere theorist, but of a man of affairs who is heart and soul an American. Born in Bombay, India, he has had experience in many parts of the world. The holder of a degree from the University of Oxford, he began his practical experiences at the age of seventeen, in the Bank of England, where he worked for seven years. Roused by the reading of Mark Twain's “ Roughing It," he determined to go out into new countries. With only six weeks'study in a Polyglot Institute, with the aid of his school Latin he managed to learn Portuguese, and thus prepared himself to take a thousand Portuguese laborers from the Azores to the sugar plantations of Hawaii. This experience of ordering the lives of nearly a thousand human beings for five months was invaluable to him. There was a mutiny on board, over eighty of the laborers died of fever, and all manner of things happened on the long voyage down the North and South Atlantic Oceans, round the Horn, and up the Pacific Ocean to Honolulu.

For a year Mr. Ross was in the British Vice Consulate, and there learned a good deal about the problems of mariners. For six years he was assistant manager and accountant on a large sugar plantation, and at the end of that time, besides thousands of acres of sugar-cane, the plantation had stores, a church, a school, a remarkable wharf cut down through three hundred feet of cliff, a railway system, a water works system, and an electric light system-all this on a plantation in mid-Pacific between 1883 and 1889. Then, having become thoroughly Americanized in Hawaii, he moved to the State of Washington, at once became a naturalized citizen of the United States, and subsequently organized the oldest bank in his county. For twenty-two years he was one of the builders of the Northwest.

His experience on the Pacific coast impressed him with the wonderful maritime possibilities of the country. After a thorough investigation, he wrote a book dealing with maritime affairs. As a result of requests for addresses elicited by the publication of this book there was evolved the National Marine League of the United States of America, of which he is the President. It is to this League that Mr. Ross is now devoting all his time. The League has a perpetual charter, granted in Washington, D. C. There are branch offices in Boston and New York, and branches will eventually be established in all the large cities of the country.—THE Editors.

S the question of building up a merchant adequate export trade unless we have our own marine something that interests only the ships to carry those products to other counseu-coasts ?

tries. We must remember that all our exOn the contrary. It is a question that ports, except those sent to Canada and directly affects the daily prosperity of every Mexico. have to be carried in ships. laborer in the country, irrespective of where But how about the farmer! Is he interhe may live or what his occupation or fortune ested?

The farmer's best market is in the United How can the building of merchant ships States, and just in proportion as the nonaffect the people of Ohio or Arkansas ! farming population of America can purchase

Our mills can make in six months as much the farmer's products, to that extent the as the country can consume in twelve. Mill farmer most benefited. And, furthermore, hands in those States cannot have a steady the same reasons apply to the export of job unless the things that they make, either agricultural produce, such as cotton, tobacco, with their hands or by the aid of machinery, etc., as to the manufactured products already are sold as regularly as they are made. mentioned Since the home market cannot absorb the To what extent itoes al merchant marine full output of these mills, it follows that a help in securing our Vational safety? large export trade must be developed. It This is best answered by the speech of is an absolute impossibility to develop an Lord Inchcape a few weeks ago. He stated

I m

may be.

that prior to the war Great Britain possessed upon it. In times of general peace it multiplies no naval auxiliary ships, no hospital ships, no competitors for employment in transportation, transports for troops, no colliers, no vessels for and so keeps that at its proper level; and in carrying munitions, horses, camels, or other

times of war-that is to say, when those nations supplies. Why did the Admiralty have none of

who may be our principal carriers shall be at

war with each other-if we have not within ourthese vessels ? The answer is, because it had

selves the means of transportation, our produce more sense. For years it had been keeping

must be exported in belligerent vessels at the track of every vessel in the merchant marine.

increased expense of war freight and insurance, It knew exactly where these vessels were, and and the articles which will not bear that must also knew that it could put its hand upon perish on our hands. them the moment they were wanted, and We have a pretty good example of that that they could be obtained for governmental right now. or national purposes at a moment's notice But wir, after all, is only an episode, and and at a very reasonable cost to the Govern- after this war, why aan we not go on as wo ment. Meanwhile these auxiliary forces were were before the war? being maintained without a farthing's expense The reason is because American exporters to the Government, and the ships were peace- are the paymasters of American indebtedness fully following the avocation of trade, to the to foreign nations. More than five billion great and enduring benefit and profit of the dollars' worth of American securities of one Nation itself. Thus you see that Great description or another are owned by people Britain's merchant marine constituted. not who do not live in the United States. The only a second line of defense, but was of itself interest and dividends on these securities, plus an integral part of her first line of defense- the three hundred million dollars we pay to forthe royal navy. For example, the British eign countries for freight charges, plus the fifty Government summoned five thousand wire- million dollars or more that we pay in bank less telegraphers from her merchant marine for commissions, brokerages, and foreign insurmilitary and naval purposes. I should like ances, plus the three hundred million dollars to know where Uncle Sam could get five hun- that people living in this country remit to dred from the American merchant marine ! relatives and friends in Europe and Asia,

Would the merchant marine help to train plus the five hundred million dollars that men who would be useful for their nation's American tourists spend abroad in normal defense!

times, constitute an outgo or sub-current exThe history of the world has proved that ceeding the balance of trade apparently in our there is no other agency in existence that can favor by at least a billion dollars a year. The be compared to a training at sea for devel- debt of the American people to other people oping the virility and manhood of a nation's is piling up at this awful rate every year. youth. To-day the dangers and excitements There is only one possible means by which of frontier life have vanished, and, with the this debt can be liquidated, and that is by a exception of Alaska and the Philippines, vastly increased volume of exports. We can there is probably no l'nited States territory never expect that this volume of exports will left wherein young America can exercise its be very materially increased by the outward virility as it has done for the last fifty years. shipment of foodstuffs, therefore it must conÖnce there was an ardent future for ardent sist in greater part of manufactured products spirits ; to-day there is none unless we de.

of one description or another. velop the merchant marine which will carry What are these ships of ours, that are currynot only products but American ideas and ing these exports outgoing, to bring back to us! American ideals all over the world. There

Tropical fruits, sugar, tea, coffee, rubber. are thousands of active young chaps who wool, metals, chemicals, hardwoods, " keycrave adventure, and the life of the sea is materials ” such as ferro-manganese, tungsten, just the sort of life for them.

etc., and, in fact, all raw materials too numerBut are we not doing very well as we are ous to mention, for our manufactures. We without a merchant marine!

must remember that, since this country has In reply to that question let me quote now arrived at the manufacturing stage of its President Jefferson, who, in 1793, said of evolution, we also need raw materials, just as navigation:

England and Germany and other manufacIts value as a branch of industry is enhancell turing countries have had to import them. by the dependence of so many other branches Why, if we bring back all this material,

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