select a man because he is resolute and qualified to meet international complications and to defend American rights. On this basis, we do not think Mr. Fairbanks, in spite of his personal integrity, his political experience, and his party service, will be a factor. A Republican of his type might have been nominated, as Mr. Harrison was nominated, in 1888, but we do not believe that a Harrisonian compromise will be made in 1916.

OFFICIAL AND

UNOFFICIAL MURDER

That editor who during a Presidential prenomination campaign should endeavor to correct all the erroneous criticisms of the various potential candidates would have to work at least twenty-four hours a day. But occasionally there appears a criticism which has such a bearing on historical fact that it is worth while for a journal of current history, like The Outlook, to deal with it in the form of what the Kansas City "Star" recently called "an historical foot-note."

Of such a nature is the misstatement recently made by the New York Evening Post," and repeated in the New York · World," regarding Mr. Roosevelt's relation to the assassination of American citizens while he was President. In his recent address before an important assembly of Methodists in New York City, Mr. Roosevelt said that while he was President not one man, woman, or child was slain by representatives of any foreign nation." Whereupon the "Post," turning to the records, found that a number of American citizens had been killed on foreign soil during Mr. Roosevelt's Presidency, that in one case the survivors had demanded the protection of a military force, and that that protection was refused. The "Post" and "World" proceed to ask: In view of these unquestioned records, how are we to regard Mr. Roosevelt's statement ? Our reply is that it must be regarded as absolutely accurate. In every instance named by these two journals the Americans were murdered by private assassins, not by representatives of any foreign nation. On the high seas and in Mexico American citizens have been assassinated by official representatives of other nations. Carranzista soldiers under arms, under military discipline, and wearing the uniform of the lawful Mexican Government recognized by President Wilson, have killed American citizens. And

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on the high seas naval officers and sailors wearing the uniform of the German Empire and acting under the German Imperial standard have assassinated American citizens. The cases of murder quoted by the "Evening Post " and the cases of murder to which we have just referred are as far apart as the poles, and are as unlike as the minus and plus signs in mathematics.

If a band of riotous Hamburg dock workers had seized an ocean-going tug and under the black flag of piracy had attacked a merchant vessel on the high seas and killed American citizens, and President Wilson had carried on a diplomatic correspondence with Germany about the murder, and Mr. Roosevelt had criticised him for his patience, there would then have been some justification for the alleged parallel of the New York "Evening Post" and the New York "World." The trouble is that this country is not yet waked up to the fact that murders of Americans in Mexico and on the Lusitania were committed by representatives of Mexico and Germany, and are therefore official murders. It is this distinction between official and unofficial murder which American journalists who have any regard for historical accuracy ought to keep in mind.

NEW YORK'S "FINEST"

What was otherwise the most reassuring police parade New York City has ever had was marred by an accident. A policeman, dressed like a thug, after snatching a handbag from a police matron, who was "in the play" like himself, was running toward the reviewing stand containing the Mayor and the Police Commissioner, where he was to have been knocked down and captured by a police dog, also trained for this little drama, when a plain-clothes man, who had not been informed of the make believe nature of this by-play, drew his pistol and shot the pretended thug through the jaw. Patrolman Christopher Reilly, who was shot, will recover, it is now believed, although he will probably be scarred for life. Even he, however, joins the general verdict that holds the man who shot him, Detective Sergeant John J. Kilroy, not to blame. Reilly held a smoking revolver in his hand as he ran toward the Mayor, and to those who had not been pre-informed it certainly seemed that Reilly was about to attempt the assassination of the city's chief executive.

Blame for this unfortunate event, which was almost a tragedy, has been promptly taken

by Police Commissioner Woods upon himself and the higher departmental officers who erred in believing that such a play could be safely staged in a crowded city street when it was impossible to forewarn all the members of the force. The purpose of this exhibition was to show off to the public the valor and ability of the police dogs, but even the accident itself served one good purpose in showing the vigilance and quick action of the police, for Kilroy's vigilance and quick action would have thwarted a real assassin.

Otherwise, as we said before, the parade was admirable. The eleven regiments, ten of "infantry" and one of "cavalry," that are New York City's first line of defense, all looked fit and in fighting mettle as they swung down Fifth Avenue, and later, before the reviewing stands, performed their special stunts, forming the famous "arrow" and "wedge" formations for crowd-breaking, rescuing with a bicycle ambulance a bicycle "cop" who suddenly "fainted," and going through the calisthenics of the police training school with beautiful precision.

Commissioner Woods has built up a force to be proud of, a force that really deserves the sobriquet "the Finest," which not so long ago was a mockery. For it was not so long ago that the whole country was turning in revulsion from the revelations of corruption among New York's police, and the uniform was everywhere looked at with suspicion in the metropolis. But the applause that shook the windows on Fifth Avenue the other day proved that New Yorkers now believe in the honesty of the great bulk of their police, and believe, above all, in the bravery of the entire force. For, whatever they are, New York's policemen are fine athletes first of all. The loosejowled, bag-shaped policemen who used to be common in New York were conspicuous by their absence in this parade of tanned, tight-muscled civil soldiers. And to no one is so much honor due for this transformation as to Commissioner Woods.

NEW YORK UNIVERSITY

It is the proud boast of New York University that it makes a dollar go further in the education of young men and women than any other institution of its class in the country. In fact, Chancellor Brown says: "This University is educating a larger number of students in proportion to its annual income than any other of the great universities of the country, and a larger number in proportion

to its resources than any other not receiving public support. . . . We are making a dollar go too far. The strain of economy, of personal devotion on the part of instructors, of administrative management and makeshift, cannot go much further."

It is not often that a university complains that it is growing too rapidly, yet that is the complaint of New York University. In the attempt to slacken this growth the University authorities increased the severity of the entrance requirements, but in vain. They are now advancing the tuition fees, reducing the number of free scholarships, and cutting off advertising, but still the army of young men and women clamoring at their gates for an education grows by leaps and bounds. In October, 1912, the total registration of students in New York University was 4,428. By October, 1915, it was 6,932, an increase of fifty-seven per cent. The University is now seventh in numbers among the universities of the country.

New York University at the time of its founding in 1831 was remarkable for the breadth of its aim. Nearly all the professorships that are included to-day in the faculties of the nine schools of the University were included in the original plan. Even the School of Pedagogy, the first of its kind in the country, was anticipated in the scheme of the founders.

The present predicament of the University is caused by the comparative smallness of its endowment. With about 7,000 students it has an endowment of only about $1,500,000. Columbia, with 8,000 students, has an endowment of about $17,000,000. According to the University's budget for the college year 1916-17, the total expenditures will be $762.880.63, of which $612,840 will be taken care of by students' fees for instruction. This leaves only about $150,000 to be met by income from all other sources, yet so small is the endowment interest that a deficit of $39,579.13 is predicted. Only the Law, Commerce, and Summer Schools pay their

way.

The University authorities are asking for an increased endowment of about $1,600,000. But they are putting the immediate stress on the request for a fund of from $250,000 to $275,000 for a new building of Physics and Engineering. Already this term it has been necessary to exclude forty-eight students from some of the laboratory classes.

Believing that actions will speak louder

than words in voicing their own recognition of the great need for this new building, a number of students have already declared their intention of beginning at once to dig the foundation of the building themselves. Certainly such zeal in the pursuit of educa tion deserves encouragement.

THE YOUNG MEN'S

CHRISTIAN ASSOCIATION College

AT SPRINGFfield

The attention of young men should be drawn to the opportunities for them at Springfield, Massachusetts, where the Young Men's Christian Association College is about entering a new phase of its history. When the College opens for the 1916-17 year in September, the students will begin a four-year course instead of the three, and the College will be unique in more elements than ever.

This College trains students physically, mentally, socially, and religiously in preparation for Christian service, particularly in connection with the Young Men's Christian Association. While the Association work as carried on in the Far East or in Africa or near the trenches of Europe during the present war or in the slums of our great cities shows the desirability of preparatory courses on the psychology of peoples and nations, social and political problems, economic resources and industrial and commercial activities, business administration, educational and religious institutions, and the extension of Christian culture, the Springfield courses are particularly noteworthy on the physical side. Most colleges have courses in gymnastics; this college has courses in medical gymnastics also which consist of instruction in the exercises that tend to correct physical defects and disorders. The exercises include, first, those to change the position of the thorax, shoulders, and spine, and to correct pronated feet or prolapsed viscera ; the second, those to reduce fat, to increase vitality, and to overcome nutritive debility; finally, those to overcome such disorders as constipation, cardiac weakness, and the various paralyses due to such things as locomotor ataxia or infantile paralysis.

It is, however, in field science that we find a greater departure from traditional educational ideas. The physical course includes the organization and conduct of canoe trips, "hikes," camp craft, and Boy Scout work. No college, so far as we know, has entered this particular field.

THE IRISH REVOLT

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Sometimes when a great fire has been extinguished and all danger has apparently disappeared there breaks out a new flame, showing that unextinguished embers are still slumbering unseen. Such was the latest Irish revolt, a result of centuries of race and relig. ious hostility and of monstrous, though not inexplicable, misrule. The Irish and the Anglo-Saxon are temperamentally hostile; that hostility has been aggravated by religious animosities between the Protestant AngloSaxons and the Irish Roman Catholics and by vicious and cruel rule and vicious and cruel revolts succeeding each other ever since the conquest of Ireland by the Anglo-Norman in the twelfth and thirteenth centuries.

The conflict between Protestants and Roman Catholics which deluged Europe in blood in the sixteenth century had as one of its incidents an Irish revolt against the rule of Charles I, accompanied by a massacre of non-resisting Protestants, with circumstances of incredible barbarity, and followed by the punitive campaign of Cromwell, as cruel as the revolt which it punished. That his were the ordered cruelties of an army, not the disorderly cruelties of a mob, is an aggravation, not an extenuation, of the crime. The only extenuation possible is that they were characteristic of an age which produced the massacre of St. Bartholomew in France and the bloody campaign of the Duke of Alva in the Netherlands. The subsequent attempt at revolt under the leadership of the Roman Catholic James II, with the aid of French forces, after his flight from England, was defeated in the Battle of the Boyne under William III, and was followed by a policy of persecution, not as barbaric as that of Cromwell, but not less unjust-the forfeiture of more than a million Irish acres, the deliberate discouragement of Irish industries, the appointment of English favorites to sinecures and pensions both in Church and State paid for out of Irish taxes levied on a bankrupt community. "The conquered people," in Swift's bitter words of contempt, "became 'hewers of wood and drawers of water' to their conquerors."

Such a policy may suppress revolt, but it can never break the spirit of a brave people. For the time being Ireland ceased to be a source of political danger to England. But the continued industrial oppressions of the Irish people under the Georges and the

impotency of an Irish Parliament which had neither the will nor the power to represent the people, kept alive the spirit of discontent, and when the American and French Revolutions awakened again popular aspirations for liberty, the revolutionists of Ireland saw their opportunity. Expecting promised co-operation from an invading French force, as recently the Irish revolutionists expected co-operation from an invading German force, the standard of revolt was again set up. The French fleet was wrecked by a storm as the Spanish Armada had been wrecked two hundred years before, the Irish fell to fighting among themselves, and the unsupported revolt was speedily quelled.

But at this time England had at the head of her affairs a great statesman. Pitt introduced into the English Parliament a bill establishing absolute free trade between Ireland and England, which would have opened all English markets to Irish products. In spite of fierce opposition from English manufacturers and merchants, he carried this bill through the English Parliament, only to see it rejected by the Irish Parliament, an act of folly impossible to defend and difficult to explain. Ireland might well include in her liturgy, From our professed friends, good Lord, deliver us.

There have always been two parties in Ireland, one for union with England on something like equal terms, the other for independence. Ireland with a Parliament which represented only a corrupt oligarchy possessed in 1800 a pseudo independence. resolved on a policy which would look to a real union. He resolved to bring the Irish Parliament to an end and have Ireland represented in the English Parliament, as Scotland and Wales are represented. Two courses were open to him: to disband the Irish Parliament by force of arms, or to bribe it to commit suicide. He resolved on the latter course. Some of the members he bought with money, some with offices, some with peerages, some with promises which were never fulfilled. No historian questions the wholesale corruption, and no historian justifies it. The only apology is that furnished by John Richard Green in his "History of the English People :" "Base and shameless as were such means, Pitt may fairly plead that they were the only means by which the bill could have been passed." We cannot, however, doubt that this abolition of the Irish Parliament was itself a real boon to Ireland.

By

its demise that Parliament demonstrated its moral incapacity to govern. Whatever excuses can be offered for the policy of Mr. Pitt, forced upon him by the circumstances, none can be offered for the majority members of a legislative body which sold the rights of its constituents intrusted to its keeping and its own responsibilities to the Irish people for payments in offices, honors, and gold.

From the day of the Act of Union dates a radical though very gradual change in the policy of the English toward Ireland. It must always be a question whether this change was helped or hindered by the Irish irreconcilables. For, on the one hand. England changes her policies very gradually, and it is doubtful whether any of the Irish reforms which followed the Act of Union would have been granted if the grant had not been necessary to quiet a restless people whose discontent was at times a menace to English prosperity and always a menace to English repose. But, on the other hand, the characteristic refusal of the Irish leaders, with rare exceptions, to co-operate with those English liberals who were really desirous to substitute a policy of justice for one of repression, and their inability to comprehend the political difficulties which the liberals had to encounter from English traditionalism in their endeavor to induce the English people to do justly, have made the work of the English liberals exceedingly difficult.

The injustices under which Ireland had suffered for centuries may be classified for our purpose here under five heads: Industrial, Religious, Educational, Agrarian, and Political. The century which has followed the Act of Union has witnessed effective steps taken by the English Government for the correction of all these abuses.

England up to the American Revolution had governed all her colonies for her own benefit, not for theirs; Ireland furnished no exception. Her commerce had been discouraged, her manufactures paralyzed by legislation deliberately adopted for that purpose. It is always easier to kill business than to reanimate it, and Ireland has not yet recovered from injuries inflicted by centuries of injustice. Nevertheless, honest, persistent, and not wholly ineffective efforts have been made both by legislation and by private enterprise to rehabilitate her industries. All restrictions on industry and commerce with England have been repealed, and free trade has opened English markets to Irish producers. Prominent