As I have suggested, moreover, some of the statements in support of unification are overly optimistic. To hold elections under present conditions throughout the island on the unification issue would not help achieve a fair and workable solution, it would merely guarantee a vote in favor of unification without in itself achieving the willingness of Northern Protestants to accept unification. In fact, the very goal of unification carries with it the peril of a great civil war. If unification comes, it is far more likely to be stable and lasting if the integration of the political system in the North is first achieved—not necessarily perfect unity, but certainly less vehement hostility.

Even a country as powerful as the United States should use pressure tactics sparingly. Naturally all nations will attempt at times to influence international politics because world conditions affect their own security. Uninvited intervention for humanitarian purposes may sometimes be warranted. It can, however, produce more harm than good and foster resentment against the meddling nation. It can therefore reduce available influence for future contingencies.

The proposal for uninvited American involvement have already antagonized the British. One motion tabled in the British House of Commons by members of both the Labour and Conservative parties has called on the U.S. Congress to deal with the I.R.A. bombing of the military base in England and for a committee of the House of Commons to investigate race relations in the United States. Of course, good relations between the U.S. and Britain still exist. Moreover, there have been past occasions when the United States exerted pressure despite the possibility of resentment. But where pressure is unlikely to produce positive results and indeed may have a harmful impact, and where the possibility of reform exists without such intervention, Congressional and Presidential involvement in the matter is inadvisable.

Many hope to see the development of a stable, democratic, United Ireland. But goals must be weighed against realities. I do not believe that a rapid, forced unification of Ireland would produce such results. Moreover, American pressure toward that end could reduce the prospects for successful unification. Any uninvited pressure from the United States government could make a lasting solution to the Irish Question more difficult and could reduce America's influence in more serious international crisis in Ireland or elsewhere. For the present I therefore recommend against passage of the proposals calling for American involvement.

ULSTER THE FACTS

(PUBLISHED BY THE ULSTER UNIONIST PARTY, BELFAST, NORTHERN IRELAND)

(September, 1969)

YOUNG LADY WITH A £60 A WEEK JOB

Miss Bernadette Devlin receives a salary of £3,250 a year as a member of Parliament. When she was elected she took the oath of allegiance to the British Crown and Constitution taken by all other members of that Parliament. In fact, no M.P. receives a penny of salary until that oath is solemnly sworn.

Since her election Miss Devlin has made one speech in the House of Commons, her maiden speech. Indeed all of her speeches since have been OUTSIDE the House at open-air meetings where she is in little danger of having to sit and listen to a reply, and where she is not involved in the normal cut and thrust of open debate.

The highlight of her career as a public figure was reached during the grave street disturbances in Londonderry during August when the photograph shown on the cover of this leaflet was taken by a Daily Sketch cameraman. During those disturbances crowds of young hooligans rained bricks, stones and petrol bombs on the members of the police who were on duty to maintain law and order.

The photograph shows Miss Devlin's role in the affair-smashing a brick to provide handier ammunition for the stone-throwers.

Comment of Daily Mail columnist Rhonda Churchill on Miss Devlin: "Miss Devlin has proved herself no better than a rabble-rouser. She has called on people to bring petrol bombs to the Bogside barricades and hurl them. She has joined in breaking rocks to serve as stones to hurl at the police.'

Said the London Evening News of the photograph: "Thus did Miss Devlin disgrace the House of Commons, her sex and Ireland."

Said the Daily Mirror: "The British people expect a show of responsibility from the Catholics too-including Miss Devlin."

YOUNG MAN WITH A £20 A WEEK JOB

Following is an interview with Constable Alan Brown, 24, after hospital treatment for injuries received when he was hit by a petrol bomb in the rioting at Bogside, Londonderry:

"I just heard a whoof and the next thing I knew I was enveloped in flames and was burning from the shoulders up," he told reporters. "I tried to pull off my helmet because the strap was burning into my throat. Only that two of my colleagues put out the flames I might have been suffocated."

Another of the many police casualties was Police Sergeant Thomas Thompson, 34, a Roman Catholic, detained in the same hospital with a severe groin injury. He was struck by a large piece of grating hurled by one of the Bogside rioters. It was these rioters whom Miss Bernadette Devlin called upon to bring petrol bombs to the barridades.

In the two weeks of disturbances in Belfast and Londonderry 226 policeman were injured, many several times.

Since October, 1968, nearly 800 members of the force have been injured—while keeping law and order. These numbers represent between one-quarter and onethird of the entire force.

The courage and patience of the Royal Ulster Constabulary, often in the face of crowds of rioters which greatly outnumbered them, was of the highest order. "None of us dreamt when we joined the force that we would witness such savagery as that we saw during the Bogside rioting," said Police Sergeant Frederick Frayne. "The mob were intent on killing us."

The pay of an Ulster policeman is in the region of £20 a week.

96 HOURS: THE ANATOMY OF AN UPRISING

TROUBLE-MAKERS

"It is a fact that persons have been identified in Londonderry who were also concerned with Vietnam demonstrations in London, the troubles at the London School of Economics, and comparable disorders in Paris, Berlin and Frankfurt. It is these men who are the enemy. And any drastic action by the United Kingdom Government such as the suspension of the Ulster Constitution, would only play into their hands."

Wilfred Sandall in a special article in the Daily Express.

A week's hopes and prayers for peace in Ulster vanished in a hail of petrol bombs, bottles and bricks in Londonderry on Tuesday, August 12, 1969.

And the stones which were thrown at an Apprentice Boys' Parade peacefully commemorating the relief of the city's historic siege in 1689 unleashed a 96-hour wave of terror in which eight civilians died and 764 people, including 226 policemen, were injured.

The casualty lists brought the total of police injuries in disturbances throughout the Province since the previous October to almost 800.

Prime Minister, Major James Chichester-Clark, was to say in an emergency debate in the Northern Ireland House of Commons two days after the latest outbreak of violence:

"This was no onrush of sudden indignation. It was a direct and calculated affront to the forces of law and responsible Government in this country.

"What sinister forces had been at work in Londonderry-and for how long-to have this arsenal of petrol bombs and other weapons prepared?"

This is the timetable of those four days of fury. It is the anatomy of an uprising . .

TUESDAY, AUGUST 12

For almost two hours the orderly parade of Apprentice Boys passes through Londonderry without incident.

A week earlier the Governor of the Order, Dr. Russell Abernethy, had said in a statement: "The celebration gives no occasion for fear to those who do not share the Protestant faith.

"We are celebrating an event which secured civil and religious liberty for all and our celebration is an expression of determination to uphold and maintain this principle and practice for every section of the community."

And in a service in the city's St. Columb's Cathedral that morning the rector of Moy, County Armagh, Canon William Kerr, urges the Apprentice Boys to channel their desire for peace into action.

Then as the tail-end of the parade reaches Waterloo Place the first stones are thrown. The marchers dodge the missiles and carry on with their procession. But around them the city is erupting . .

Rioters with an armoury of petrol bombs quickly set up barricades of steel poles pointing towards the police and reinforced with barbed wire and boards. Soap and sugar are mixed in with the bombs to spread the flames and make them stick.

Reporters are told by crash-helmeted mobsters: "There are more bombs than people in Bogside tonight. On top of one block of flats we have men with about 900 petrol bombs."

Dozens of petrol bombs are thrown among barrages of stones as police battle with a mob of 1,000 in the Bogside area.

Masked rioters hi-jack a bus and shots ring out in the William Street-Rossville Street battleground.

A blazing warehouse and a filling station. looted for its petrol, light up the night and a constant shower of sparks from burning shops, houses and barricades, drift down on the fighting.

In one clash three policemen and an armoured police car are set on fire by petrol bombs.

Two men with radios tune in to police wavebands to warn the rioters of police movements.

At midnight police warn over loudhailers that tear smoke is going to be used because of the gravity of the situation-but only after Minister of Home Affairs, Mr. Robert Porter, has subjected himself to a concentration to test its effect.

As the vicious running fights go on, trouble breaks out in other areas-at Newry, County Down, where a crowd of 300 take to the streets smashing windows; in Strabane, County Tyrone, where a mob runs amok stoning police and smashing and firing cars; and at Coalisland, in the same county, where the police station is stormed and petrol bombs thrown.

As daylight returns to dazed and shocked Londonderry 13 policemen—two with bad burns-and five civilians, one with a gunshot wound, are being treated in the city's Altnagelvin Hospital. They are among the 94 policemen and 22 civilians injured in the night's rioting.

And a B.B.C. newsman reports in a radio bulletin: "The Royal Ulster Constabulary have been magnificent. It is difficult to explain how they have managed to keep their tempers."

ROLE OF THE I.R.A.

"Northern Units of the Irish Republican Army have played their part in defensive operations in Bogside, Derry, where they have put their discipline and experience at the disposal of the Citizens' Defence Committee. In Belfast the I.R.A. and other Republican organisations have co-operated with the Citizens' Defence Groups.

"We issue a warning to all young British soldiers now patrolling Irish streets and towns. You are in a very perilous situation. For this is not your country. It is our country which your Government and Parliament have divided in order to serve the interests of the Imperialist monopolies, financiers and aristocrats."

Statement issued in Dublin signed by "Cathal Goulding, Chief of Staff, Irish Republican Army."

WEDNESDAY, AUGUST 13

A blue Republican flag is hoisted alongside an Irish tricolour on the roof of a block of flats in the Bogside.

Police are again forced to use tear gas to break up a mob of 500 stone-throwers on the edge of the riot-torn district.

Rioters try to extinguish police tear-gas shells with a captured Fire Brigade hose.

Several families-including elderly women and an invalid in a wheelchair-are evacuated as flames leap from a nearby derelict house.

Rosemount police station, on the Catholic Creggan housing estate, is besieged after a firebomb attack by a mob of 200. One policeman is set on fire as the station is bombarded from behind a commandered bus and lorry.

A leader of the Bogside rioters tells reporters: "Left-wing movements, sonie outside Ireland, have offered assistance."

Then, in an attempt to "draw off" the police from Bogside, violence spreads to Belfast, capital of the Province.

A mob marches down Falls Road, carrying a tricolour and singing the Republic's national anthem.

Hashings Street police station is attacked.

Nearby Springfield Road station is surrounded and bottles of blazing petrol are hurled at the windows.

Shots are fired at police vehicles.

A police Sergeant and a Constable are shot in Leeson Street, off Falls Road-the first people to be shot in Belfast.

Blazing barricades are strung across Falls Road.

Premier Chichester-Clark warns in a television appeal to the Province: "Anarchists and others have sought to stir the pot and put the country in jeopardy." But in an unprecedented broadcast from Dublin, Mr. Jack Lynch, Prime Minister of the Republic, is saying: "The Irish Government can no longer stand by. We are sending troops to the border."

A mob of more than 1,000 takes over Newry. The police station is attacked, empty houses set on fire and streets blocked.

Mobs attack police at Armagh, Lurgan, Strabane and Dungiven as the rioting and looting spreads.

The next morning's newspapers publish photographs of children helping to make and stockpile petrol bombs at street-corner "factories" in the Bogside. Police casualties by then: Over 100.

ANTI-POLICE CAMPAIGN

"The fact that dozens of police have been injured while protecting Catholic property and guarding Civil Rights marchers makes little impression on their critics. Thanks, in part, to the propaganda of sincere but misguided Civil Righters, aided and abetted by revolutionary students and the more gullible members of the British Press, a deliberate campaign to discredit the Ulster police has won far more converts than it deserves."

Mr. Eldon Griffiths, M.P., writing in the Sunday Telegraph after a fact-finding tour of Northern Ireland.

Four people, including a nine-year-old boy, are killed as gun battles rage in Belfast.

And in Armagh a man is shot dead.

The Ulster Government announces during an emergency debate at Stormont that British troops are moving into Londonderry-bringing the first peace the beleagured city has known for 50 hours.

And Major Chichester-Clark warns of a conspiracy to overthrow the

Government.

The Belfast gun battles break out after bursts of machine-gun fire are aimed at police in the Falls Road area. Rooftop snipers in the Divis Street area fire at police and civilians. Gunmen open up on police from alleyways and barricades in the Hooker Street area.

Apart from the dead, three policemen are wounded-one of them seriously, shot in the face-and five civilians injured.

Showers of petrol bombs set public houses and rows of terrace houses ablaze. Shots are fired in Omagh, County Tyrone, where a lorry is overturned and shop windows smashed.

Street fighting breaks out again in Newry, where the sky is aglow from burning cars and vans and exploding petrol bombs.

Casualty lists that night: 89 civilians and 16 policemen treated in hospital, 29 for gunshot wounds.

FRIDAY, AUGUST 15

Dawn-and the scene in Belfast battlegrounds is reminiscent of the blitz as smoke still rises from the smouldering ruins of burned-out buildings.

As troops sweep in to the city's trouble spots the death roll reaches eight-two men have been cut down by snipers' bullets and another has died in hospital from his wounds.

A soldier is slightly wounded, a young married couple are brought down as they walk along a street. Ambulancemen who try to go to their aid are also shot at. An I.R.A. group takes over a cinema on Falls Road for use as a casualty centre. As the shooting continues and armed gangs force drivers at gunponint to hand over lorries, buses, vans and cars, terrified families help to build protective barricades or leave their homes in search of safety. But as they move out the looters move in.

Welfare workers tour the devasated areas to provide food, water and blankets as churches and schools become sanctuaries for women and children.

Demonstrators stone the British Embassy in Dublin, rip down and burn the Union Jack. Others march on Army barracks in the Republic demanding arms as three coachloads of volunteers leave Dublin in response to a call from the I.R.A. for reinforcements.

The Prime Minister of Northern Ireland discloses that the Government has evidence that subversive Republican elements were to the fore in the events of the previous night and that others are waiting to infiltrate across the border. "Well-disciplined and ruthless men, working to an evident plan, attacked the police at a number of points in the city," he reveals. "The police were obliged to return the fire and in subsequent exchanges a large number of injuries-some of them fatal-occurred."

Hospital figures for that day: 105 injured including 21 policemen.