4. A time to work together

We welcome the evidence of growing friendliness and improved relationships between Roman Catholics and Protestants, throughout the whole of Ireland. This gives us greater opportunities of playing our part, both as individuals and as a Church, in the creation of a just society. We are willing and anxious to co-operate with other Churches in the creation of an Ireland which is christian in fact as wel! as in name.

VIOLENCE AND THE CATHOLIC COMMUNITY IN THE SIX COUNTIES

Cardinal Conway, Archbishop of Armagh, and the other Bishops with dioceses covering the Six Counties (Derry, Dromore, Kilmore, Down and Connor, and Clogher) issued the following statement on May 21, 1970:

"It would be a betrayal of the Catholic community—a stab in the back-for any individual, or group, to take it upon themselves to deliberately provoke violent incidents. So far as our people are concerned, this would be quite a new turn of events, but there is some evidence that it may have happened in recent days. If this is so, then, in the name of God and the whole Catholic community, we condemn it. "Such evil initiatives are contrary to the law of Christ and must bring harm to thousands of innocent people. Moreover if such acts can be pointed to as the beginning of serious trouble it is not the handful of self-appointed activists who will be blamed but the whole Catholic community. Already people are not above suggesting that what has happened in recent days convicts the Catholic community for what happened last August.

"It is no justification for such conduct to say that there was provocation or to say, even with some justice, that much worse deeds have been done by others and have gone unpunished. Two wrongs do not make a right.

"Already the effects of recent incidents are being felt in the strain and illness and economic pressure which innocent people are suffering. No one has the right to inflict a situation of this kind on the people.

"We therefore ask our people to make their voices heard in repudiation of individuals or groups who may appear to be interested in a continuation of violence We ask them to co-operate with those groups who genuinely reflect the peaceful intentions of the people as a whole and who are working hard to restrain militant elements. We appeal in a particular way to the women-who are often the people who suffer most-and to parents. Your children could be maimed for life, psychologically and otherwise, by a continuation of these disturbances. There are many deep-seated wrongs to be undone in our society. Violence will only delay the day when they can be removed.

"Significant changes have taken place with regard to the position of the minority in Northern Ireland during the past 18 months. We regard it as essential that the programme of reform be adhered to, without any deviation, and pursued to its logical conclusion of fair treatment for all, in fact as well as in law. As these changes and other vitally important changes which have been promised-take effect, there will be a genuine prospect of justice and peace and further progress by orderly means. To anyone who thinks rationally about the future of the people concerned and it is people, human beings, that matter, not causes or ideologiesthere can be no question of where the choice must lie between the violent way and the peaceful way. We warn those few individuals who would opt for the violent way that they have absolutely no mandate from the people.

"The principles of our Christian faith, which must be our supreme guide, powerfully reinforce the message of reason and common sense. Next to the love of God the greatest commandment is love of our neighbour. Our neighbour, as the catechism teaches us, is mankind of every description, even those who injure us or differ from us in religion. Most of our neighbours here are our fellow-Christians, united with us in the love and worship of the same God and the same Lord and Saviour Jesus Christ.

"There may be moments when this most difficult of all commandments calls for almost superhuman restraint. Even then we are bound by it. If we have recourse to God in prayer He will not deny us the grace to be faithful to this His greatest commandment."

THE PRESBYTERIAN CHURCH IN IRELAND

A PRESBYTERIAN VIEW OF THE NORTHERN IRELAND SITUATION

[Memorandum submitted to British Home Secretary, 29th August, 1969]

1. The Presbyterian Church in Ireland is one Church functioning in and loyally cepting both States in Ireland; though the great majority of our churches and embers are located in Northern Ireland, where they form the largest Protestant nomination (400,000 persons, or 29% of the population). There is no connection th the "Free Presbyterian Church of Ulster", organised in 1951 by the Rev. n Paisley, who was himself previously neither a minister nor member of any esbyterian Church.

2. Though the conflicts in our country are continually presented in terms of otestant versus Catholic, religious differences in fact constitute only a part, ough a real part of the causes. Religion commonly is used more as a convenient bel or cover for different "national", political, social and economic interests. me of those most militantly engaged, particularly in Belfast, have only a nominal urch connection and these conflicts have become for them a kind of substitute r religion. Religiously, however, there is a strong conservative body of opinion thin our Church who suspect the modern ecumenical trends and the more liberal licies of our Church courts and Church leaders as implying a weakening in or trayal of fundamental Reformation principles which all, indeed, hold dear. An derlying sense of commitment and not just social convention is a notable feature our faith. There remains with this a deep seated distrust of the Roman Catholic urch, not only in its doctrines but also in its power structures. Our Church eks to serve and speak fairly for the honest conservative as for the more liberal ews within our membership.

3. The great majority of our people have been determined supporters of the neral constitutional position of Northern Ireland and opposed to any claims to vereignty or government over Northern Ireland from Dublin, whether directly indirectly. While greatly valuing the British connection, emotionally as well as onomically, culturally and politically, they vigorously wish to maintain their own entity. How far changes in the structure of government would be acceptable, ovided these points were clearly recognised, is a matter of opinion, which would obably require a referendum to determine, but there would certainly be much strust to overcome. Our people are prepared to accept that a minority totaling me 150,000 in the Republic should democratically try to respect and adjust to e social and national framework acceptable to a 95% majority there, despite me objectionable aspects of that framework, but they would find this framework ite unacceptable for a minority which would number over one million in any United Ireland".

4. While the present constitutional position was adopted as a compromise settleent to the struggles of fifty years ago it has not been accepted frankly either by e Southern State or the Northern minority as a basis on which real co-operation ould be built, but only treated as a de facto arrangement to be changed by any essures which could be applied, internally or externally. This has in turn grained deeply in the Northern majority a strong sense of distrust, a "beseiged" entality and a resentment against those who would claim all the benefits of their cial provisions while persistently denigrating their society. The depth of these ars and resentments linked with historical memories may appear irrational to tsiders, and we realise that they have been exploited by unscrupulous men, but ey are nevertheless very real. They help to explain, if not to justify, some of the titudes and measures which may have been adopted against the minority. 5. Our Church would unreservedly condemn the recent violence in Northern eland as a shameful thing. We do not feel in a position calmly or fairly to aportion blame. Incidents and developments can be selected by either side to ow provocation, reacting on fears and frustrations, mischief-making rumours and isunderstandings and aggravated by sheer hooliganism and drunkenness. Though e majority of our membership would reject and deplore the extremism of militant Protestants" both in regard to speech and action, we are deeply disrbed by evidence of a serious hardening of attitude among our solid membership farmers, trades and businessmen. In general our people are rather slow to speak move but hard to stop once they are determined; we dread the prospect of a

Protestant explosion or dour resistance on a scale not yet encountered. Their loss of morale could only bring disaster on the whole community.

6. Through the years our Church has attempted to work for various reforms and for better relationships within our community and to give our members a lead in thinking on these matters. As a Church we have, perhaps, suffered more than any other for the degree to which our leaders have been prepared to go in advance of many of our members. Even so we would recognise that what we have attempted may have been much too limited and too belated. It is not our wish to justify or excuse ourselves. It would be wrong, however, to overlook how much has been achieved on a personal and practical level, or even how much has been done by the presence and persuasion of our ministers and other members significantly to mitigate the events of this year.

7. It is the sincere desire of our Church to contribute to a new climate of opinion. of communal reconciliation and political probity in Northern Ireland. No matter what happens we are determined to work for this; but much will depend on the tact, the skill and above all the understanding with which the British Government handles the situation. There is indeed a widespread feeling that much less effort has been made, both by the news media and the authorities, to understand the Protestant as well as the Roman Catholic in Ulster-apart, that is to say, from party spokesmen and extremists. Perhaps most of all this new climate depends on the readiness of the Roman Catholic Church and community to make changes in some of their traditional attitudes and policies, at a time and on a scale to be compared with the changes to be required of the majority. This seems to us the only hope of making a new beginning together.

RESOLUTION ON THE PRESENT SITUATION IN IRELAND

[Passed Unanimously-Methodist Conference 1970]

Recognising the need for our Church to speak clearly and in Christian love to our people and to the community at large at this time of political uncertainty 1. The Conference re-affirms its declarations that (1) the obligation to love demands that we demonstrate to our neighbours of whatever faith, to our opponents as well as to our friends, those qualities of love which were found in Christ. This demands renewed and ceaseless effort until bitterness is made to disappear from every part of Irish life.

(2) Any form of injustice, inequality or discrimination based on creed, race or colour is contrary to God's will. The Conference consequently calls on all sections of the community and in particular those in authority to work by word and deed for the removal of all injustice from our land.

(3) The Civil powers in this land in fulfilment of their duty to society are called upon to exercise their full authority without fear or favour in the pursuit of justice and understanding among all.

(4) The requirement to obey the duly constituted authorities applies to all citizens. The Christian especially is called upon to set an example in obedience and good citizenship. The Conference consequently calls upon all people in this grave hour to support the civil powers in all proper regulations and especially those a this time designed to promote and strengthen better relationships between all sections of our Society.

2. The Conference warmly welcomes the further reforms promised by the Northern Ireland Government since the Conference of 1969 and urges full and speedy implementation of those reforms. It considers that they should go far in removing legitimate grievances and should produce conditions in which all sections of the community may work peacefully for the common good. The Conference hopes that political leaders may speedily join in a call similar to that issued by the leaders of the Church of Ireland, the Presbyterian, Roman Catholic and Methodist Churches for peace, mutual understanding and common effort for the well-being of the Province and all its people.

The Conference recognises that during the summer months in Northern Ireland parades and demonstrations have been traditional over many years. It should be the mark of a mature society to allow all sections of the community to demonstrate their points of view, always provided they do so within the law. In the precarios conditions obtaining at the present time, however, the Conference calls upon

those responsible for parades and demonstrations to weigh carefully what is involved before they exercise their rights in this connection. The Conference draws specific attention to the danger of parades to and through places of tension, the playing of party tunes of an offensive nature anywhere at any time and particularly in the neighbourhood of places of worship and houses occupied by fellow-citizens of another religious persuasion and the presence of supporters (or opponents) whose behaviour and attitudes cannot be controlled. The organisers of any demonstration however well marshalled and controlled which results in violence cannot wash their hands of all responsibility for the results.

4. Particularly during the present Northern Ireland election period and during the heightened political uncertainty in the Republic the Conference reminds all Parliamentary candidates and politicians of their obligation to speak and act with a full sense of responsibility to the whole community. Political appeals to religious prejudice and calculated to arouse sectarian tension are a betrayal of our common humanity. Votes gained at the cost of strife and turmoil are bought with human suffering.

5. The Conference solemnly calls upon the Methodist people to use their vote with a full awareness of their responsibility and before casting it to consider carefully in the light of the Biblical principles set out in Paragraph 1 above the implications for the whole community of the character of the candidates and of the aims and policies of the parties they represent.

6. The Conference registers its deep concern at the reports of attempts at illicit importation of illegal arms and of the alleged presence of such arms in both parts of Ireland. The Conference utterly condemns the acquisition and use of such weapons and welcomes the declared determination of both Governments to prevent the importation and use of them. The Conference welcomes the public affirmation of the Government of the Republic denouncing the use of physical force in the solution of our problems in Ireland. The Conference calls upon all citizens to renounce violence, threatened or actual, in the pursuit of their aims.

SATURDAY, MAY 30, 1970

The following joint statement has been issued by the Right Reverend Dr. John T. Carson, Moderator of the Presbyterian Church in Ireland, His Eminence William Cardinal Conway, Archbishop of Armagh and Primate of All Ireland, the Reverend George E. Good, President of the Methodist Church in Ireland and His Grace the Most Reverend George O. Simms, Archbishop of Armagh and Primate of All Ireland:

"During the past year we have been deeply concerned at the interpretation which has been put upon events in Northern Ireland by many well-meaning people in different parts of the world.

We believe that the true nature of these events has been seriously misunderstood and we feel it our Christian duty to do our best to remove this misunderstanding. It has been said and sincerely believed that what has been taking place in Northern Ireland is a "religious war".

We have no wish to deny that there are serious and deep divisions, which we deplore, in the Northern Ireland community but we wish to assert that these divisions are not primarily of a religious character. They arise from deep and complex causes-historical political and social-but the religious differences between professing Christians are not a primary cause.

It may be said "Why cannot those who profess to be Christians-although of different denominations-live in peace with each other? Such a question underestimates the depth of feeling which deep-seated, historical, political and social divisions can cause. It also underestimates the fact that in contemporary society an image of violence can be created by the activities of a very small proportion of the population. The overwhelming majority of people in Northern Ireland yearn for peace but as the example of many other countries in the Western world today shows, a yearning for peace by the great majority of the people in a community is no guarantee that peace will be easily achieved.

Hundreds of thousands of people in Northern Ireland are praying for a peaceful solution to community problems here. We ask Christian people throughout the world and all men who believe in God to join in these prayers. We thank the many people of understanding who have already done so and wish to say that we are united in praying to God, our Father in Heaven, through our Lord and Saviour Jesus Christ for peace to reign in Ireland and throughout the world".

I.R.A. PLAN FOR ULSTER TAKEOVER

[From the Belfast News Letter, May 21, 1966]

(By our Dublin correspondent)

The I.R.A. document captured in Eire includes a lengthy plan to take over Northern Ireland with the aid of an "armed stand" in the heart of Belfast, and an appeal to the United Nations, it was disclosed in Dublin last night.

This emerged in a leakage of the contents of the plan-part of which, dealing with I.R.A. intentions in the Republic, was read in the Dail by Mr. Lenihar Minister for Justice.

The remainder of the document which relates to I.R.A. plans for Northern Ireland and the training of its forces there, has been held back by Mr. Lemass who has personally ordered it to be put under lock and key.

A source close to the Government in Dublin revealed: "We dare not release it."

ALARMING

What is so frightening about the document? From reliable sources I learn that it contains not only details of plans for an eventual military take-over by the I.R.A. in the North, but also plans to prepare for this by infiltrating the British Army and Navy, the R.U.C. and "B" Specials.

The take-over attempt would follow an armed "stand" in the heart of Belfast in the manner of the 1956 Hungarian Rising and the Easter Week 1916, Rising in Dublin. There would follow a world-wide appeal for intervention by the U.N.

The document is alarming to the Eire Government as it envisages the people af the Republic forcing the Government to intervene to save their fellow country men in the Northern outbreak.

The document also contains plans for the infiltration of trade unions, Irish language and cultural organisations, and even religious bodies of all persuasions University students are to be "indoctrinated." The successful tactics to date in the Republic of roping in students to act as pickets in strikes and demonstra tions, such as protests against lack of proper housing facilities, is to be emulated in the North. In short, wherever and whenever the excuse arises for a publ protest, the I.R.A. plans to capitalize on it.

UNDERCOVER

Republican undercover men are to infiltrate Orange Lodges, Masonic Orders Catholic and Protestant organizations. Even the Salvation Army is not to be exempted. Well-meaning people who join debating organisations like the Wolfe Tone Society and student's debating societies are to be used to the advantage of underground movements.

Most cynical of all, I understand, is the approach to religion in the plan. Scotaranism is to be encouraged with the aim of promoting religious strife and civil disorder.

The programme may appear to be quite impractical but it is being taker seriously as it is realised that its authors are fanatical men.

It justifies the precautions taken North and South of the Border over the Easter celebrations of the 1916 anniversary, for the document envisaged foray on the Border over the Easter period.

The Republican Publicity Committee in Dublin has said that the document represents only suggestions for a plan of campaign. It is, nevertheless, a plan that in many aspects recalls the Saor Eire (Free Ireland) plan for a small farmer' workers' republic produced by the I.R.A. leaders of the 1930's. It was this socialistic plan which led to the break between the I.R.A. and de Valera, who was then head of the Government.

The Eire Government is believed to have postponed stern action against the I.R.A. until after the Presidential Election on June 1.