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that civil war. But, silence in the midst of such bloodshed and sadness is, to me, unthinkable. The Congress should now go on record as deploring this situation.

[From the Congressional Record, Nov. 1, 1971]

IRISH FREEDOM

Mr. KocH. Mr. Speaker, the continuing turmoil in Northern Ireland is deeply depressing. The bloodshed there is the bitter harvest of years of deliberate dis crimination against a Catholic minority, it is an echo of earlier violent aspects of Irish history when Irishmen rose up to protest the cruel penal laws which for cen turies denied the rights of Irish Catholics. It is the obligation of public officials to speak out against such discrimination whenever and wherever it occurs.

Ever since the treaty of 1921 which officially marked the separation of the six counties from the rest of Ireland, Catholics in the north have been denied the most basic civil rights. The Cameron report, a 1969 official document of the British Government, cites examples of this discrimination in the areas of local government appointments, local government electoral boundaries, housing allocations and employment. While some measures of reform have been implemented in a belated effort to end these injustices, the Faulkner government's sudden revival last August of internment policies under the Special Powers Act is a monstrous step backwards that has only inflamed longstanding animosities.

The present violence and state of military occupation which prevails in Northern Ireland cannot solve the problems there. In the face of the British Government's inability to restore an atmosphere of stability and justice, it is imperative that our Government use all possible powers of diplomacy to insure democractic selfdetermination for all the people of Northern Ireland.

Accordingly, I have cosponsored a resolution in the House, H.R. 653, initially introduced by Representative Hugh Carey, which would request the U.S. Government at the highest level to urge implementation of the following:

First, termination of the current internment policy and simultaneous release of all persons detained thereunder.

Second, full respect for the civil rights of all the people of Northern Ireland and the termination of all political, social, economic, and religious discrimination. Third, implementation of the reforms promised by the Government of the United Kingdom since 1968 including those reforms in the field of law enforcement, housing, employment, and voting rights.

Fourth, dissolution of the Parliament of Northern Ireland.

Fifth, withdrawal of all British forces from Northern Ireland, and the institution of law enforcement and criminal justice under local control acceptable to all parties. Sixth, convening of all interested parties for the purpose of accomplishing the unification of Ireland.

This resolution has also been introduced on the Senate side by Senators Edward Kennedy and Abraham Ribicoff.

Throughout the history of Ireland's struggle for independence one notes that the leaders of that struggle were Catholic and Protestant alike. There is no irreconcilable friction between these groups. The issue at stake in Northern Ireland is not a question of religious preference, but of the freedom for self-determination. This freedom should pose no threat to Protestant or to Catholic, it is a goal that can only be achieved through the cooperation of both sides. Of the present violence one must ask in the words of Yeats:

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AN APPEAL TO THE INTERNATIONAL RED CROSS ON BEHALF OF NORTHERN IRISH POLITICAL PRISONERS

(Mr. KocH asked and was given permission to extend his remarks at this point in the RECORD and to include extraneous matter.)

Mr. KocH. Mr. Speaker, the tragedies in Northern Ireland continue and one of the most heartbreaking of these tragedies is the continued detention of Irish

vilians in British concentration camps without due process of law. They are held thout trial and without charges and without the right of habeas corpus or appeal the courts for release. They are, in effect, prisoners of war.

I have written to the International Red Cross urging that they inspect these isoner of war camps. Appended is the letter for the information of our colleagues: NORTHERN IRELAND, January 31, 1972.

TERNATIONAL RED CROSS, neva, Switzerland. GENTLEMEN: I'm writing to you with the hope that your organization would ek to intercede on behalf of the more than eight hundred political prisoners held British concentration camps in Northern Ireland. It would appear that what is king place in Northern Ireland today could be described as a civil war particuly so since the shooting yesterday of thirteen civilians by the British paratroopers. ae reports emanating from Northern Ireland indicate that brutalities against e prisoners are taking place in those concentration camps into which civilians e placed without trial and without the right of redress to the courts.

I urge you to consider requesting permission to enter the camps immediately d then on a regular basis to report on the conditions that you find in these camps. our very presence would have the effect of inhibiting the tortures and brutalities at are alleged to be taking place now.

I would appreciate knowing what, if anything, you can do in a matter of this nd.

Sincerely,

EDWARD I. KOCH.

TATEMENT OF HON. JOSEPH G. MINISH, A REPRESENTATIVE IN CONGRESS FROM THE STATE OF NEW JERSEY

Mr. Chairman, as a sponsor of H. Con. Res. 538 and H. Res. 654, I have been osely following the testimony presented at the Subcommittee's current hearings 1 these and similar resolutions dealing with the tragedy in Northern Ireland. he evidence in support of our Government taking action along the lines proposed y these resolutions is most impressive and I respectfully urge the Subcommite's favorable consideration of this approach that offers a true framework for eace in Ulster.

I have been asked by Eugene J. Byrne, Esq., of Upper Montclair, New Jersey, at he be recorded in favor of the early adoption of the pending resolution. Mr. yrne is Past State President, New Jersey Board Ancient Order of Hibernians, nd Co-Chairman, New Jersey Chapter American Irish National Immigration ommittee.

Mr. Peter J. O'Neill, President, United Irish Counties Association of New York ac., has sent the attached statement for your Subcommittee's attention. His atement underscores the burning right of the oppressed people of Ulster for elf-determination, the right that is due all peoples.

I know your esteemed membership will give serious consideration to this grave

sue.

STATEMENT OF PETER J. O'NEILL, PRESIDENT, UNITED IRISH COUNTIES

ASSOCIATION OF NEW YORK, Inc.

For three hundred (300) years the native population in the North of Ireland has een butcherized by the English soldiers, driven from their homes by the planters". Those vultures who began to flock to the North of Ireland in 1613, nd again in 1652 the bloody hand of the tyrant Cromwell drove more of those reat people into the mountains and bogs of Connaught. The English sought, ot alone to wipe out the religion of the people, but their very lives. Young women, oys and girls were shipped into slavery in the West Indies and in 1655 the Governor of Jamaica asked for 1,000 Irish girls to be sent there into the worst kind of slavery.

In the Treaty of Limerick the British Crown pledged that the Irish would be protected in the free and unfettered use of their religion and their liberties and property be equally protected with the British usurpers in Ireland, but oh what perfidy, three years after the Treaty of Limerick the British Crown passed the Penal Laws. These laws forbid an Irish Catholic to practice his religion, receive

an education, hold public office, enter a profession; purchase land, lease land or vote. They were forbidden to rent more than thirty shillings, or own a foot of land in his native. Today in the Six Counties those laws are in effect. Catholics are discriminated against; are prevented from buying property; British Soldiers are murdering natives on the streets-13 in Derry City. How long more can we permit this murderous British Government deprive the people of liberty.

STATEMENT OF HON. F. BRADFORD MORSE, A REPRESENTATIVE IN CONGRESS FROM THE STATE OF MASSACHUSETTS

Mr. Chairman, I join my colleagues in expressing my very deep concern over the increasingly critical situation in Northern Ireland, and I am honored to have this opportunity to outline my views and to explain legislation I have introduced. designed to deal with the situation in this troubled province. I would like to take this occasion to commend the distinguished subcommittee on its decision to hold hearings on this matter of crucial importance.

The continuing violence and bloodshed in Northern Ireland is a matter of the deepest concern to all Americans, of whatever faith and political persuasion. The Ulster tragedy, which has its roots deep in history, has become an increasingl intense object of the American public's concern since the summer of 1969, and especially within the last six months, as the conflict and the violence have esca lated almost unceasingly. We all deplore this violence and the intense suffering it has caused.

Last December, I introduced before the House, H. Res. 726 and H.R. 12059. I believe that these measures, taken together, represent a responsible and effective approach for the United States and for the international community-in the effort to achieve an early solution to the tragic circumstances in Northern Ireland The first measure expresses the deep concern of the House of Representatives in this matter and calls upon the Government of the United States to use its good offices to encourage (1) a termination of hostilities in Northern Ireland, (2) ful respect for the civil rights of all the people of Northern Ireland and a termination of all types of discrimination, and (3) implementation of the reforms undertake in 1968 by the United Kingdom in the fields of housing, employment, voting rights and law enforcement. In addition, this measure urges immediate attention r the United Nations for a prompt determination of violations of the UN Charte and the Universal Declaration of Human Rights against the oppressed Cathol minority. The resolution also calls for a complete examination of the possibilit of a UN-sponsored referendum for all the people of Ireland to decide the ques tion of unification.

NORTHERN IRELAND RELIEF ACT

The second measure that I have sponsored, the Northern Ireland Relief Act. idesigned to meet the problem of refugees. This bill provides 25,000 special imm grant visas to residents of Northern Ireland in order to enable those who wish t do so to enter this country on an emergency basis.

In the intervening period since these measures were originally introduced, conditions in Northern Ireland, most regretably, have deteriorated further. Tr: appalling events of Sunday, January 30, when thirteen Ulster Catholics, partic-. pants in a civil rights demonstration, were killed by gunfire from British para troops, serve to underscore the continuing erosion of the situation. Events ar now escalating out of all control. Bombings and sniping incidents have continuel at an increased rate, and terrorist activities have begun to gain some limited support among the minority, to the extent that individuals have lost all hope of the possibility of a peaceful, negotiated settlement. There is now an almost total loss of faith among Catholics in Northern Ireland regarding the neutrality of the British troops or their ability to maintain order and protect lives; the army has become yet another symbol of oppression.

As a result, more and more voices are now heard urging the British to remors their troops on the grounds that they are no longer credible, that they are, in fact, provocative. For example, noted author and Labor Member of the Irish parliame Conor Cruise O'Brien, until recently has advocated that the troops remain unti a settlement is reached in order to avert the danger of open civil war. Now, how ever, in the wake of Londonderry, O'Brien advocates that a date be set by the British for withdrawal of troops. O'Brien hopes, in this way, to give Mr. Lynch of the Irish Republic and Mr. Faulkner of the Ulster government the strongest possible incentive to negotiate in the full knowledge that the failure to reach settlement within the alloted period of time would, in essence, mean the mutal

destruction and common ruin of all Ireland in the civil disruption that would then

ensue.

I fully appreciate this position, but I am unable to project upon myself or my country the responsibility for so momentous a decision, since it is a decision that I believe rightfully belongs with the people directly involved. I do not believe that a precipitous withdrawal of British troops, without a viable alternative means of securing civil order and stability that has been agreed upon by the parties involved, would be a realistic course of action. However imperfect the presence of troops may be-and I am the first to agree that they have lost any semblance of neutrality in the eyes of the Catholic minority-I believe they are certainly preferable to the civil war that is likely to ensue on their departure, in the absence of an agreed upon alternative presence. Such a civil war, I should add, according to most observers, would result in the decimation of the Catholic minority in the face of the overwhelming superiority of arms held by the majority.

A PRODUCTIVE U.S. ROLE

I believe that the United States may productively act in this tragic situation in a number of ways. We can certainly make available our good offices should the parties involved indicate their acquiescence, and we may also make all efforts, private and public, to secure a settlement through negotiations. This includes bringing the matter up for discussion before the United Nations, as my resolution indicates, or before other international forums. I note with great interest the suggestion of my colleague in the Senate, Mr. Brooke, that the matter be placed before the European Commission on Human Rights. Certainly this is a possibility that merits further investigation.

As the New York Times noted recently in an editorial, there is no doubt that despite the increasing polarization of the two communities in Norther Ireland, the majority of the population still fervently desires a peaceful solution for the future of the troubled region. It is my sincere hope that all sides in the dispute will not lose sight of this ultimate goal-an equitable political settlement-in the heat of the tragic events that surround them. A negotiated settlement would demand a price from all involved, as everyone is well aware, but the hope of reaching such an agreement is, perhaps, increased by the growing general realization that the only alternative to an early settlement may well be prolonged civil war and sectarian strife.

It is my strong hope that unification will be the ultimate result of any settlement, and I believe that the hope of such a solution draws closer as the government in Dublin begins to show signs of recognizing that it, too, will be required to make certain adjustments.

For its part, there is no doubt that the Ulster Government of Brian Faulkner as well as the previous government of Chichester Clark can be credited with some movement toward reform in the essential areas of discrimination in housing, employment, education and political representation. But in each instance, these reforms have been inadequate and have come too late. More steps must be taken, and taken quickly, if there is to be any hope of a settlement. First, I believe there must be a phasing out of internment, coupled, perhaps, with a timetable for a gradual reduction and eventual elimination of British troops, in return for Catholic participation in negotiations. Such developments might well require that Westminster assume direct responsibility for security in Ulster. This is one of a number of possible solutions.

I reiterate that the United States can and should continue to offer its services and suggestions, but the exact scenario for a settlement must be the result of negotiation among the parties directly involved. If we have learned nothing else in the past decade, we must have learned that the world's ills are not necessarily amenable to sweeping solutions imposed from the outside, by this nation or any other.

I believe that the legislation I have proposed offers a realistic and responsible approach to solving the terrible Northern Ireland situation. I believe that my proposals are consistent with the political realities of the situation and are sufficiently restrained to be truly effective in the critical effort to end the violence and discrimination in Northern Ireland.

STATEMENT OF HON. THOMAS P. O'NEILL, JR., A REPRESENTATIVE IN CONGRESS FROM THE STATE OF MASSACHUSETTS

Mr. Chairman, I want to thank the Committee for this opportunity to address myself to the current situation in Northern Ireland. The Congress has over and

over again enunciated its determination to effect a settlement of the dispute in that nation.

The brutality and inhuman policies which the British government has been pursuing are unprecedented in the history of the problem. Over 230 people have been killed since the disorders broke out 3 years ago, and already this year more 25 more people have been added to the toll. It should be abundantly clear that the present British policies and practices with regard to Northern Ireland have not worked, and that if continued, can only lead to further division, hatred and bloodshed.

We in Congress can have little respect for the callous and obdurate attitude which the British have displayed toward the trouble in Northern Ireland. Their response has been to repress dissent, to foster animosity and to dampen any hope of settlement through escalating policies of brutality. They have even refused to listen to the courts of their own nation. When the High Court of Northern Ireland ruled that a regulation empowering army officers to make gatherings of people disperse was invalid, the Parliament took swift and immediate action to eradicate that decision. The British House of Commons met immediately to legislatively overrule a decision which had struck a blow for decency, reasonableness and order. Instead of obeying the Court finding and seeking reconciliation, the British government manifested its concern by abrogating the decision before the print on its pages had even dried.

I have sponsored several measures aimed at alleviating the situation in Northern Ireland, including Congressman Carey's bill providing for a rather comprehensive program of reconciliation and self determination. I have written to the President on several occasions asking that he use his good offices to assist in reaching an accord I have spoken with the State Department and members of the diplomatic corps in an effort to learn of their assessment of the present problem. I know that other members of Congress have done the same. And yet, we are frustrated because the situation in Northern Ireland appears to continually deteriorate, as more people are killed, more are interned without due process of law, and the implementation of reforms promised by the government of the United Kingdom in 1968 become unfulfilled platitudes.

The Congress of the United States is in a position, through this Committee and the measures which are before it, to exert considerable and constructive influence in achieving an end to the tragedy in Northern Ireland. I come to the Committee having sponsored several of these measures. I urge the Committee to report out 8 bill which will not only demonstrate American concern, but will have some real effect on the people involved. I know the Chairman of this Committee is very interested in doing so. And I am sure that the Congress will respond positively to the deliberations of this Committee.

Thank you.

STATEMENT OF HON. CHARLES B. RANGEL, A REPRESENTATIVE IN CONGRESS FROM THE STATE OF NEW YORK

Mr. Chairman and members of the Subcommittee, I appreciate having this opportunity to express my support for the resolutions introduced by my colleagues with my cosponsorship calling for a withdrawal of British troops in Northern Ireland and their replacement by a U.N. peacekeeping force. This, I believe is critical if the civil rights and liberties of all the citizens of Northern Ireland are to be guaranteed until a political settlement agreeable to all can be found.

I am fully aware that its charter does not entitle the U.N. to intervene in the internal affairs of another country unless requested to do so and that at the present time Northern Ireland is an integral part of Great Britain. Yet it seems to me that it would be in Britain's own self-interest to accept this alternative, and that it is incumbent upon the United States and the United Nations to use their "good offices" with Britain, as recently requested by the Irish Foreign Minister Dr. Patrick Hillery, to impress upon the British government the wisdom of this proposal. As the recent tragic events have shown us, the British troops have clearly failed in their peacekeeping efforts in Northern Ireland. If civil war is to be averted in Ulster, other alternatives should be promptly considered.

When British troops first arrived in Northern Ireland in 1969, they were greeted by the Catholic minority as protectors. They had been sent to Ulster to prevent Protestant extremists from harassing Catholic civil rights groups agitating for the redress of well-justified grievances. Their grievances included discriminatory practices in the local franchise which assured large Protestant majorities through extensive gerrymandering and the denial of the principle of one-man-one-vote, as well as discrimination in housing and employment.

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