BILL OF INDEMNITY OPPOSED

As I indicate, sir, a bill of indemnity, if it is now passed by the Unionist Government, will destroy any hope of any unity within the six counties at present. So what I submit on this, sir, is, while Mr. Heath may say and I don't know what he is looking for in his Common Market, what support he is looking for-but while he may say that he is anxious to have talks and to get people to talk, the 1972 act giving power to the Northern Ireland Government to control the Armed Forces, is something which is so retrospective, because it even goes back and changes the 1920 act, that one must say, Is Mr. Heath acting in good faith? This does not look like it. The indecent haste in which that bill was passed through the House of Commons and Lords in one evening.

Mr. MURPHY. Do you subscribe to the theory that has been expressed here today that there are some subversive elements infiltrating the aid movement in Northern Ireland?

Mr. HEDERMAN. Subversive?

Mr. MURPHY. I mean in the communistic movement.

Mr. HEDERMAN. There may be, but again these vague charges, sir; one must admit to the true facts. The minorities, particularly in the areas in Belfast and Derry, are looking for some kind of protection against an armed force of over 16,000 Regulars, over 2,000 Ulster Defense Forces, and the police as well. What I want to ask in respect to that, sir, is how it could be that with so much military power and quasi-military power in just six counties of Ireland, how you can even justify bringing in internment in August of last year? I don't know, because one must relate, as you will appreciate, the bringing in of internment in relation to the forces at their disposal, and to me this is unrealistic.

HOW TO END TERRORISM

Mr. MURPHY. How about the terrorism that is now taking place? Do you see what could be done to abate that or suppress that?

Mr. HEDERMAN. Well, I say, sir, as I think so many people have said here, the first thing is an end of internment. Now, the second thing is not to pass an Indemnity Act. I will be submitting a short schedule of documents which include four cases, including the Moore case, but I would say this, sir: that people who have no civil rights in the civil courts, I mean-can't be deprived of them. So, as I say, you must immediately end internment without qualification. You must immediately suspend the 1922 act. You must immediately withdraw the British troops from Catholic or non-Unionist areas, and Stormont must immediately cease, because it has become more dangerous, certainly to the minority, since the 24th of February 1972.

Mr. MURPHY. Well, thank you, Mr. Hederman. It is getting late, and you may leave with the subcommittee any documents you have for the record without objection.

This hearing will be open for several weeks for anybody that would like to submit a written statement, and we will make it part of the record. Anybody here tonight that wishes to make a statement or submit a statement, we are willing to accept it. Then, without any further ado, this hearing is adjourned.

(Whereupon, at 7 p.m., the subcommittee adjourned.)

STATEMENTS SUBMITTED FOR THE RECORD BY MEMBERS OF

CONGRESS

STATEMENT OF HON. JOSEPH P. ADDABBO, A REPRESENTATIVE IN CONGRESS FROM THE STATE OF NEW YORK

Mr. Chairman, I appreciate this opportunity to present to this Subcommittee my views on the tragic situation in Northern Ireland and to add my voice to the chorus of voices crying out in opposition to the bloodshed in that corner of the world.

I want to congratulate the Chairman of this Subcommittee, my friend and neighbor from Queens, New York, Mr. Rosenthal, for scheduling these hearings. The impressive list of witnesses who have appeared here to present the case for bringing world opinion to bear on the Northern Ireland situation serves a most useful purpose-that of placing the public spotlight on the real tragedy of this conflict. I commend those who traveled so far to come before you and to bring to all of us the facts of the battle-torn and battle-scarred area.

There is another important aspect to these hearings which I want to emphasize and that is the reaffirmation by the Congress that it will not be shut out of the national debate on international problems. Too often this Administration and previous administrations have ignored the views of Members of the House of Representatives on international conflicts. We have heard once again this week from State Department officials who ask that the Congress not interfere with foreign policy or diplomatic decisions being made by the Administration. They repeat the cliche that Congress could "hurt" the situation by taking a position. I reject that view and I hope that this Subcommittee will also reject it.

The situation in Northern Ireland cries out for relief and I believe there is a most useful role which world opinion and U.S. opinion can play in reducing tensions in that area. I would recommend that the Congress adopt a Sense of Congress Resolution calling on the President to use his office to try to bring about a withdrawal of British troops from Northern Ireland and that he also use his office to serve as a mediator if requested by the parties involved. Such a Resolution would convince the fighting factions in Northern Ireland that the U.S. is deeply concerned about the civil and human rights of the people of Northern Ireland and that we want to stop the tragic loss of life in that country. It would also place England on notice that we are prepared to offer our services to stop the fighting and to negotiate for the withdrawal of British troops.

Such a stand by the Congress does not even imply that the U.S. would take military action. It simply states to the world that we are prepared to take a moral position of the conflict.

I urge this Subcommittee to take the lead by recommending this kind of Sense of Congress Resolution on the Northern Ireland situation.

STATEMENT BY HON. EDWARD P. BOLAND, A REPRESENTATIVE IN CONGRESS FROM THE STATE OF MASSACHUSETTS

Mr. Chairman, members of the committee, I appreciate this opportunity to testify today.

The social strife in Northern Ireland is one of the world's most vexing problems. In fact, the events of the past few weeks have pushed it to the threshold of outright civil war.

Most of us in the Congress are frustrated, by what appears to be America's diplomatic impotence in Northern Ireland.

Many feel the United States has approached the problem too timidly and too guardedly.

Despite years of peacemaking efforts, we still witness street skirmishes in Northern Ireland's cities every night on television newscasts. Like the Bangladesh

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revolt and the Nigerian Civil War, the conflict in Northern Ireland is within view but beyond reach. We are little more than spectators, powerless to act.

Many Members of Congress have already appealed to President Nixon and Secretary of State Rogers to exhaust every diplomatic channel open to them to help restore peace-just as we have appealed to Great Britain, to the United Nations, to Northern Ireland's Government itself.

But the pace of the conflict has not slackened, and blood is still being spilledthe Londonderry massacre a few weeks ago, for example, and the terrorist bombing just this past weekend.

Many Americans want to know what they can do to help resolve the conflict. I suggest that the best thing we can do is what we are doing right now-talkin about the problem, talking about the religious hatreds that bred it and still nourish it, talking about the plight of Northern Ireland's Catholic minority.

Talk might seem trivial, even futile.

But words are our only tools, Mr. Chairman, and they can be powerful tools. Open forums like the one you have convened here today can bring the force of world opinion to bear on the problem, strengthening the position of Norther Ireland's oppressed Catholics.

At the very least, Mr. Chairman, they can lead to the kind of sense of the Cou gress resolutions that can spur our own State Department into renewed action. I feel the State Department should marshall all its diplomatic resources to achieve the following goals:

First, explicit legal guarantees of civil liberties for all Northern Ireland's people. Second, an end to the internment policies that are an affront to civilized me everywhere.

Third, replacement of British troops with a neutral United Nations peacekeeping force.

Fourth, talks to explore the possibility of uniting all Ireland under a single constitutional government.

Northern Ireland's Catholics have endured religious bigotry for a full hal century-bigotry that has denied them equal access to jobs, housing, schooling, even the vote.

With the other nations of the world, we share a moral responsibility to help relieve their plight and the conflict stemming from it.

These hearings recognize that responsibility.

I thank you for convening them, Mr. Chairman, and for giving me the opportunity to testify.

STATEMENT OF HON. FRANK J. BRASCO, A REPRESENTATIVE IN CONGRESS FROM THE STATE OF NEW YORK

THE AGONY OF IRELAND

Mr. Chairman, I very much appreciate this opportunity to appear before you today in order to make some contribution to the attempt to alleviate the situation prevailing in Northern Ireland.

I support the goals of H. Res 653, which I have joined in sponsoring. This measure succinctly expresses the feelings of many members of the House and most Americans, who are deeply saddened by unfolding events in Ulster.

It is such a long, agonizing history that is being added to again. Ireland has in fact been under British rule for some centuries. Across that span of time and history, one theme runs like an easily traceable thread: the over-powering, stubborn desire of the Irish to be free in their own land.

This also includes as a matter of course their free exercise of all the civil rights we take for granted in America in the form of the first ten amendments to the Č.S Constitution. It also includes the same rights which the average Englishman enjoys as a matter of course. Yet many of these same rights, in practice, are denied the Roman Catholic population of Ulster. This is one of the main causes of the present upheavals and unrest.

Again and again the Irish people have arisen against what they have felt to be oppressive rule by an alien authority. Time after time such risings have been suppressed with fire and sword by one British administration or another. Each generation the torch has been passed to another group of Irish men and women, and the fire of revolt has flared again.

Now is no exception.

It seems to be incontrovertible fact that the Roman Catholic minority of Ulster has been systematically and deliberately discriminated against in crucial areas of

veryday life. These include housing, employment, political representation and ducational opportunities.

Each of these is a sore spot, particularly for so highly developed a people as are o be found in that land. They are a political religious and aware nation, no mater what claims are made to the contrary. To deny them such rights and opporunities after such a history is to invite exactly what has occurred. Of course it is tragedy, but it is also perfectly understandable and was 100% predictable. Yet he ruling Protestant authorities saw fit to do nothing about it. In fact, they xacerbated the situation.

In the end, military rule has been the only solution, and it is well known that his must emerge as a sterile exercise. Nor can it hope to succeed for any length of time. The forces involved are too explosive. The population is by and large too nuch on the side of those seeking to end British rule. The ultimate fallback posiion, therefore, has been repression and military violence in which an increasing number of people are being killed, maimed and hurt. These are mainly innocent ivilians.

The government of Great Britain can and should step in to ensure that the liscrimination must cease. It is within their power to halt such institutional bigotry, which only freezes medieval attitudes in the present era.

Self-determination is the second step which must follow the first. Britain has nagnanimously followed such a procedure with innumerable former colonies, etaining their good will and cooperation in the process. Shall not the same policy e tried with Ireland, that has been successfully attempted in Africa, South America and Asia?

Termination of the current internment policy should come high in this list of eforms. I must express my personal repugnance at such a policy on the part of he government of Great Britain. Too many Britons have been behind too many rison bars in this century for the people of that country to relish such a policy on the part of their country towards of all people, the Irish.

Reforms were promised by Great Britain in 1968. They have not been carried Jut. Should such a policy of implementation be adopted, it would alleviate the worst of the causes of discontent. These cover the areas of law enforcement, housing, employment and voting rights.

The Parliament of Northern Ireland is a farce as far as full representation of all the people of Ulster is concerned. One enormous step towards compromise would be to reconstitute some representative body with full representation of all elements of the population, not just representation for a portion of them.

In all justice, Mr. Chairman, the voice of the people of Northern Ireland should and must be heard. Great Britain has too much respect for human rights to continue this series of policies. The minority has too many legitimate arguments for the civilized world to turn a deaf ear to their pleas. I hope the Congress will waste no time in informing the government of Great Britain that this is our feeling, and that military rule should end, and the rights of these people should be respected. Thank you.

STATEMENT OF HON. JAMES A. BURKE, A REPRESENTATIVE IN CONGRESS FROM THE STATE OF MASSACHUSETTS

Chairman Rosenthal, first of all I want to commend you and your subcommittee for its leadership in holding hearings on the situation in Northern Ireland which seems to worsen every day. This, I do not mind saying, is probably the most positive step taken in Washington, in my opinion, to attempt to employ the full power and moral authority of the U.S. Government in a situation which for far too long has been allowed to deteriorate almost beyond control. The record of complete disinterest by officials in our State Department in what is officially described as the internal problems of the United Kingdom is acceptance of a myth and a devotion to fiction which can no longer continue. Men of good conscience the world over have always found it difficult to suppress their sense of outrage over systematic perpetration of injustice, servit ide, and fundamental denials of civil liberty and civil rights wherever they occur in the world, whether they be within the borders of South Africa, whether they be within the borders of a Nazi Germany during the 1930's or whether they be within the borders of a Pakistan as recently as six months ago. What we are being told, in effect, is that there is something terribly special about the Irish situation which makes it a totally internal affair of the so-called United Kingdom.