are married to a girl whose family is in the Unionist fold; do you wear that green shirt and tie at home for dinner?

Mr. HOPKINS. Oh, yes, sir.

Mr. MURPHY. Thanks again.

The next witness is a representative of the National Association for Irish Freedom, in New York, Mr. James Gaffey, accompanied by Mr. Kevin McCorry.

STATEMENT OF JAMES GAFFEY, MEMBER OF THE EXECUTIVE COMMITTEE, NATIONAL ASSOCIATION FOR IRISH FREEDOM, NEW YORK, N.Y.

Mr. GAFFEY. I represent the National Association for Irish Freedom, and the primary speaker here today will be Kevin McCorry, executive member of the Northern Ireland Civil Rights Association. Mr. MURPHY. Do you have printed statements?

Mr. GAFFEY. I have submitted a statement for the record.

STATEMENT

Mr. CHAIRMAN: First, in the name of the National Association for Irish Freedom, I would like to thank the Subcommittee on Europe, of the Committee oz Foreign Affairs, for its interest in the burning issue of the continuing troubles in Northern Ireland. We believe that you are performing a service to the cause to which we have dedicated ourselves to since the beginning of the civil rights campaign in Ireland. By meeting here in committee you are providing still an other platform on which dialog can be centered and upon which we and other can help to raise the understanding of the issues involved in Northern Irelan by the American people.

From this new and enlightened understanding of the issues involved we can continue to funnel support both by financial and by morale boosting, nonviolen actions here in the United States, to the organization which first called for program of basic civil rights in the fall of 1967. That organization is the Northern Ireland Civil Rights Association which has attempted to lead, under very trying conditions, a nonviolent, nonpolitical, and nonsectarian movement to this very day. The National Association for Irish Freedom is pleased to have bee able to have brought over from Northern Ireland a very key person in this ongoing struggle to testify at these hearings today. Kevin McCorry is a member of the Executive Committee and holds the additional position of campaign or ganizer for NICRA. You should also note that Mr. McCorry is a prime example of the repressive policies of the present government at Stormont. He was arrested on August 11, 1971, two days after the introduction of internment, and hel under the Special Powers Act for seven (7) weeks for merely being one of the leading spokesmen of the civil rights cause.

INTERNMENT THE LAST STRAW

The introduction of internment on August 9, 1971, was simply the last straw in this worsening situation. More than 50 years after setting up of Northers Ireland by partition, conditions have become completely intolerable. Unemplesment was and is astronomical; income, if any, is very low; and political liberty is exclusively the right of the privileged wealthy. For the non-Unionist people it has become unbearable. The Northern Ireland Civil Rights Association. a coalition of students, workers, intellectuals, farmers, Nationalists, Republicans, and some liberal Unionists-mostly Roman Catholics, but including a healthy number of Protestants-was organized in late 1967. It formulated a five-point program: one man, one vote; no discrimination in employment; decent housing, an end to gerrymandering; and repeal of repressive legislation, including the Special Powers Act.

On October 5, 1968, the Northern Ireland Civil Rights Association organized a large demonstration in Derry. The unarmed march was brutally attacked by

extremists supporters of the Unionist Government. NICRA continued to organize carrying its campaign again and again to the streets. The British Army, which was first welcomed by a beleaguered community, began to behave more increasingly as an occupying, repressive force, harassing and terrorizing the people. As successive governments feel in the North, and Edward Heath in the name of the Conservative Party took over the seat of power, Stormont became more intransigent and England more unyielding. Tension increased as resistance to the heightened repression intensified.

As I stated earlier, on August 9, 1971, Stormont on the pretext that the "terrorists" must be crushed, invoked the Special Powers Act. Troops raided homes in the middle of the night, dragging off over 300 men to Crumlin Rd., Maidstone Prison Ship in Belfast Lough and finally into Long Kesh Concentration Camp. This number is presently at over 800 people, including many whose only involvement was in the field of civil rights activity and still more who were not involved in any activities except for being Irish. These detainees have been subjected to barbarous treatment, including torture.

PROTESTANTS, CATHOLICS SUFFER TOGETHER

Understanding these developments, we are not pleased by press coverage which highlights the violence or the religious aspects of the issue. The greater bulk of the Catholic and Protestant population in Northern Ireland suffer much from the same deteriorating economic, social, and political conditions. The ordinary Protestant has nothing to gain from the repression of the non-Unionist population, nor do they have anything to fear from gains in economic and political rights won by that same non-Unionist population.

In Ireland's long history of struggle against the British conquest, large numbers of Protestants have played a leading part. That there are some bigoted sectarians on both sides is undoubtedly true, but these have arisen in the great part as a result of deliberate British policy. They could be readily isolated within an open community, if the British Government would now adopt a deliberate democratic policy.

As far as what the NAIF encourages you to do in this seat of power here in Washington, D.C., it is as follows: To look deeper into the particular developments in the North. In this way, we believe that you will then realize that the aims and objectives of the NICRA, which if met will create a climate where peaceful politics will be possible, are as follows:

1. The immediate release of all internees.

2. The withdrawal of troops from all areas pending their total withdrawal, and an immediate end to the policy of military occupation and repression of antiUnionist areas.

3. Legislation by the Westminster Government to abolish the Special Powers Act in its entirety.

4. The dismissal of the Stormont administration and immediate legislation at Westminster to guarantee the following:

(a) Free elections under proportional representation;

(b) The right of all political groups including those opposed to the present state;

(c) An end to discrimination;

(d) A recognition that it is as legitimate to work for an independent and united Ireland as it is to work for the maintenance of the Union of Northern Ireland with Great Britain and the removal of all legislation obstacles in the Government of Ireland acts that stand in the way of this objective. The National Association for Irish Freedom will continue to support NICRA demands and call for talks involving all interested parties. Simply put, a discussion of the issues between Dublin, London, and Stormont will not do. The Northern Ireland Civil Rights Association, which started the move to reform going and has been able to move it along at a steady determined pace, must take part in any and all consultations and meetings leading to a just conclusion of the present crisis in Ireland.

Mr. GAFFEY. I will make only a brief statement as a form of introduction. First, in the name of the National Association for Irish Freedom, I would like to thank the subcommittee for its interest in the burning question of continuing troubles in Northern Ireland.

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We believe that you are performing a service to the cause that we have dedicated ourselves to since the beginning of the civil rights campaign in the troubled part of Northern Ireland, that cause being the raising of the understanding of the issues involved in Northern Ireland by the American people and to the providing of the necessary funds needed for the continuing of this civil rights campaign.

A CIVIL RIGHTS PROGRAM

We have funneled those funds to the organization which first called for a program of basic civil rights in the fall of 1970 and has attempted to lead the nonviolent, nonpolitical, and nonsectarian movement. Of course, that organization is the Northern Ireland Civil Rights Association.

We have been pleased to be able to have brought over from Northern Ireland a very key person in this ongoing struggle to testify at these hearings today. Kevin McCorry is a member of the executive committee and holds the additional position of campaign organizer for NICRA.

Kevin is a prime example of the repressive policies of the present government at Stormont. He was arrested on August 11, 1971, 2 days after the introduction of internment and held under the Special Powers Act for 7 weeks for merely being one of the leading spokesmen of the civil rights cause. The introduction of internment on August 9 was simply the last straw in the worsening situation in Northern Ireland.

The ordinary Protestant has nothing to gain from the repression of the Catholic population, nor nothing to fear from its gains in economic and political rights which might be won by the minority population.

A DELIBERATE POLICY OF SECTARIANISM

In Ireland's long history of struggle against the British conquest large numbers of Protestants have played a leading part and yet there are some bigoted sectarians on both sides, it is undoubtedly true, but these have arisen in great part as a result of a deliberate British policy.

They could be readily isolated within an open community if the British Government would not adopt a deliberate democratic policy toward Northern Ireland.

As far as what the National Association for Irish Freedom encourages you to do in this seat of power here in Washington, D.C., it is as follows: to look deeper into the particular political developments in Northern Ireland. In this way we believe that you will then realize that the aims and objectives of the Northern Ireland Civil Rights Association must be supported if this situation is to move to a just and peaceful conclusion.

Simply put, a discussion of the issues between the Dublin government, the London government, and the Stormont unionist government will not do. The Northern Ireland Civil Rights Association which started the ball of reform rolling and has been able to move along at a steady determined pace with the support of the elected opposition camps and other organizations in Northern Ireland must take part in all meetings and consultations on these issues.

I would like to thank the committee for inviting us here today and I think it both ironic but poetic that the organization which started the struggle for civil rights in Northern Ireland-that being the Northern Ireland Civil Rights Association-will be one of the last organizations to be brought before this committee.

Mr. MURPHY. Thank you very much.

This is Kevin McCorry?

Mr. McCORRY. Yes.

Mr. MURPHY. You are the organizer of the Northern Ireland Civil Rights Association. Is that correct?

Mr. McCORRY. Yes.

STATEMENT OF KEVIN MCCORRY, EXECUTIVE MEMBER AND CAMPAIGN ORGANIZER, NORTHERN IRELAND CIVIL RIGHTS

ASSOCIATION

Mr. McCORRY. It may seem from the history of Northern Ireland from 1920 onward that it poses an insoluble problem for those who want to bring normal politics to the area. But an understanding of the historical developments of government in Northern Ireland will show that the present trouble is not the result of some particular quirk in the Irish character, but the result of some historical development.

Home rule for Northern Ireland was not wanted by the official Unionist or the Sinn Fein Parties in Ireland. The grand design of the British Government under the Government of Ireland Act was to establish two subordinate parliaments in Ireland, cooperating within a council of Ireland, but with the important powers "reserved" to Westminster protecting the "supreme authority of the Parliament of the United Kingdom.'

The statelet of Northern Ireland was set up under the threat of armed rebellion against the wishes of the large majority of the population of Ireland, and a very large minority of the population of those six counties.

This historical background to the establishment of the Parliament and Government of Northern Ireland explains the subsequent history of the next 50 years and provides a valuable insight into the extraordinary events and legal developments of an integral part of Great Britain, but whose standard and code of behavior have been fundamentally different.

A ONE PARTY STATE

For 50 years political power in Northern Ireland has been in the hands of one party, the Unionist Party, which commands the largest number of votes from the electorate. From the time that this party came into power, it has institutionalized sectarian difference by sophisticated and intelligent devices.

First it successfully challenged in 1922, the attempt by the British Government to withhold the royal assent to bills passed by the Senate and the Northern Ireland House of Commons. Then a vast apparatus was created by Stormont, often attaining byzantine grotesqueness, for stirring up and maintaining sectarian animosities, myths, mummery, marches, and provocations.

Through every aspect of life in Northern Ireland runs the policy divide et impera. It is only necessary to mention in passing the alteration that was made in local government boundaries and electoral divisions and the imposition of an obligation on members of local authorities to make a declaration of allegiance to Stormont.

Also the array of repressive legislation in which the Special Powers Act (abrogating two-thirds of the provisions of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights) has the effect of preventing the development of peaceful politics in the North.

NO DEVELOPED POLITICAL SYSTEM

Northern Ireland has never been allowed by the Unionists to develop as an area where ordinary political and ideological differences are settled by political means. The deprivation of civil and human rights for a large and settle minority has been indicated by such reports as drawn up by the Hunt and Cameron Commissions and direct intervention by the British Government as a result of civil rights initiatives forced the Stormont government to introduce minimum reforms.

But it is a tragedy that successive British Governments have given higher priority to maintaining the constitutional status quo against encroachments than to rectifying the justifiable grievances of the civi rights movement.

London could do this because section 75 of the Government of Ireland Act reserves Westminster control over every person and thing within its boundaries.

The Northern Ireland Civil Rights Association does not believe that the suspension of Stormont or direct rule from Westminster would head to an improvement in the civil rights position. Direct rule or any variation on direct rule would mean less democracy for the North.

not more.

DIRECT RULE NO SOLUTION

Instead of one man/one vote, it would mean one man/no vote. If Westminster ruled the North directly there would be only three nonUnionists from Northern Ireland among the 600 M.P.'s who would be making laws for the area.

The people of the North, whether Catholic or Protestant, would not have a say on what was being done. Furthermore, direct rule would be using the proverbial sledgehammer to crack a nut, for reforms in civil rights can be legislated at Westminster without the need to suspend the Stormont Parliament.

We believe that the Westminster Parliament, whose creature Northern Ireland is, has a responsibility and the power to see that as a minimum British standards of democracy apply there. Already enlightened efforts have been made to introduce this fort of legislation into the Westminster Parliament.

In May, 1971, to mention only the most recent, Mr. Arthur Latham, M.P., sought leave to introduce a bill under those provisions the Parliament of Westminster would use its reserve powers to intervene on behalf of the minority with the object of establishing a modus vivendi based on equality rights for all citizens, under which conditions sectarian animosity could be expected to die out over a period of time.