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vere looking for simple justice, their fair share of housing, jobs and oting rights were battered to the ground.

Mr. MURPHY. Who is the R.U.C. riot squad?

Mr. CANAVAN. Royal Ulster Constabulatory riot squads.

Mr. MURPHY. Are they British troops?

Mr. CANAVAN. It is a division of the Ulster Police Force. They surrounded the marchers and beat them to the ground.

THE CIVIL RIGHTS MOVEMENT

Immediately was born in the city of civil rights movement, and t continued to organize over the next couple of months a series of peaceful nonviolent protests, culminating in a gigantic demonstration attended by 20,000 people on the bridge in the middle of the city. This demonstration was peaceful. Although the march was banned, there was a token breach, but the day passed over without trouble. However, the message was not lost on the Northern Government, and within a day or two was produced the first Reform Program that had been seen in Northern Ireland for 50 years. Its main feature was a abolition of the Londonderry Corporation.

Things settled, then, until January of 1969, when a peaceful march roming from Belfast to Derry was attacked by Protestant extremists just outside Derry, at a place called Burntollet. Violence resulted, and that night the Royal Ulster Constabulary-that is, the Ulster police force-attacked the Bogside and damaged many of the houses and abused many of the people who lived there, resulting in the erection of rude defensive barricades.

THE CAMERON COMMISSION

During the summer of 1969, the Cameron Commission, which had been appointed by the Governor of Northern Ireland to report on the nature of the disturbances that were occurring in the Province, found the administration, particularly local government administration guilty of all the charges of discrimination in jobs and housing and of voting rights that had been alleged against them.

That summer, in August '69, because of the fear of a further attack on the people of the Bogside during the annual Orange procession, there was serious trouble, it escalated across the Province, and violent civil disorders took place. Upon the arrival of the British Army on the streets things quietened in Derry after two or three days, but the barricades again went up in the Bogside and the forces of authority were again kept out.

This situation lasted for roughly three months by arrangement with the British Army whereby the barricaded Bogside area under the Derry Citizens Defence Association was master of its own affairs and the British Army assumed responsibility for the remainder of the city.

A RADICAL PROGRAM OF REFORM

In October 1969 the British Home Secretary came to Derry with a radical program of reform and in response the Defence Association relinquished control to the British Army. The scene remained rela

tively peaceful until the Conservative government came to office London in 1970. This coupled with awareness that the reform pro gram was being sidetracked and growing indication that the Army was now being used by Stormont to oppress the Catholic community resulted in gradual disillusionment with the Army, first in Belfast. then in Derry.

So we come, Mr. Chairman, to the summer of 1971. At that time, two civilians from Derry, Cusack and Beatty were shot dead by the British Army. This occasioned a request for a public inquiry by a Member of Parliament from the area, because it was alleged by many eyewitnesses that both of these young men were unarmed.

The appeal for a public and impartial inquiry was refused. It was very obvious, in spite of the open verdict that had to be returned, thai the subsequent inquest substantiated the allegations of the citizens and resulted in the withdrawal of the Catholic representation from Stormont. This time also saw the first serious appearance of the IRA as an organized force in the city.

Also, during the summer of 1971, internment. of which you and you fellow committee members, Mr. Chairman, have heard so much over the last 1 or 2 days; immediately polarized the city. The barricades went up once again in the Bogside. The police, the army, were forbid den entrance except under force. They attacked the homes of the people whom they wanted to arrest for internment. The people retaliated and a series of civil disturbances occurred across the province.

REMOVING THE BARRICADES

Then, toward the end of that month, the army came to lift the barricades and restore what they termed the Writ of Law to the area, and a number of people, civilians, were shot. And in order to channel the serious protests into peaceful methods, I and four others staged a mass sitdown on a street in the city to deny the army access for a lim ited period of time as a peaceful protest.

As a result, we were arrested and fined, and later, on appeal, the case against the army action was won. You may have seen the results of it recently in the paper, where the British Government, in order to offset. as it were, the verdict of the appeal court, had to pass special legislation in order to make the actions of the British Army-which that cou considered to be illegal for over 311⁄2 years-to make them legal retrospectively, something which could not, I understand, happen under the American system of justice.

The polarization of the community continued, and toward the end of 1971 and the beginning of 1972, in order to register further protest, the Civil Rights Association started a series of marches, and they were held at different towns in the Province.

On January 30, one of them was held in the city of Derry. This. as you have heard was a peaceful nonviolent march. It ended in a catastrophe, 29 unarmed citizens shot, 13 of them fatally, that shocked the sensibilities of not only the city but of the whole country and set in motion a chain of events that not only affected the people in Ireland but also spread to England, and resulted in the deaths a short time ago of a number of British personnel at Aldershot.

That, Mr. Chairman, is the story of Derry up to date. And I ill hand you over now, with your permission, to Mr. Duddy to articularize.

Mr. MURPHY. Thank you.

Mr. Duddy, you may proceed.

Mr. DUDDY. Mr. Chairman, this is Miss Nell McCafferty.

TATEMENT OF NELL MCCAFFERTY, DERRY, NORTHERN IRELAND

Ms. MCCAFFERTY. I want to say merely that two of the steps proosed in the resolution of Senator Kennedy and Mr. Carey have been nplemented in the area in which I live; that is, withdrawal of the British Army from that area, and the suspension of the Stormont overnment.

The area in which I live is 888 acres, with a population of 35,000 eople. Since the 9th of August, 1971, when internment was introduced, o soldier, no policeman, and no Stormont Government official has een allowed to walk in that area. Forty-two entrances to the area, omprised of main roads, side streets, and back alleys, each and every ne of them, barricaded with cars, trucks, and cement blocks. In front f the barricades, holes have been sunk to prevent the entrance of the British Army.

Our local government is withdrawn from Stormont. He resigned, e no longer recognizes the regime.

The reason we have done this is simple. The so-called "reforms" inroduced by the Stormont Government had no material effect or benfit on the area in which I live.

Mr. MURRAY. I am sorry to interrupt. We will be back as soon as we

ote.

(Whereupon, at 5:30 p.m., a brief recess was taken.)

Mr. ROSENTHAL (presiding). Go ahead, please.

JOBS, HOUSING, VOTES

Ms. MCCAFFERTY. Gentlemen, as I was saying, only three things eatured as proposed government "reforms" matter: jobs, housing, nd votes. The alleged reform of "one man, one vote" never applied. And there has been a continuous unemployment rate of 20 percent; hat is, one in every five men in this area has no job, he sees himself 1ot merely without a job but without a chance to live. He knows if he teps outside that area he will be interned or possibly shot.

So you have a situation now where 35,000 people in an area 888 acres quare no longer accept Stormont and no longer accept the British Government. If for no other reason, they have one good reason, and hat is an example of a woman in Belfast who is too frightened to give er name she has lost since the 9th of August, 1971, four of her blood elatives who have been taken to internment camps, including her father, her husband, a brother, and a brother-in-law.

Her home has been raided 43 times, twice a week, since the 9th of August, 1971. Her friends no longer come to visit her, for if they do they will be picked up.

So we say we are having no more of that. We run our own area. At times we don't pay the gas bill because the gas company is located in

the area and the government cannot get in to take it over. We have seceded from the Stormont Government. We have kept out the troops. And we are asking you merely to give formal recognition to this fact. Mr. ROSENTHAL. Mr. Duddy.

STATEMENT OF BRENDON DUDDY, DERRY, NORTHERN IRELAND

Mr. DUDDY. I am a businessman. I own three small restaurants in the Bogside area. Up until three years ago when the trouble started, I was doing extremely well. At the moment I am very nearly bankrupt

My interest in the situation is one of trying to explain to you the type of situation which exists inside the area which Nell has explained, and possibly to give you an insight or explanation again as to why, in this area with a situation of basically peaceful people, that we now have and accept, certainly with reservations, a group of armed, I.R.A. gunmen.

In Derry, in this barricaded area, we have got a situation where 1 people out of our city have been taken by the Northern Ireland Gover ment and interned. The number of people in the North of Ireland that have been interned has been something like 798 people, which means that our city, which is the second largest city in the North of Ireland. has got an internment rate of something like two percent of the total of people interned.

When you consider that Derry (or sometimes referred to as London derry) is basically one of the most difficult areas in the North of ireland and the area in which we had the massacre on Bloody Sunday you might ask yourself why this low internment rate exists.

Tied up to this low internment rate we also have the explanation as to why people have turned in some cases to gunmen.

On one particular night just before Christmas of last year, I was in the Bogside area when the British Army came into the area. They came in in 49 armored vehicles and they brought with them 600 very well equipped soldiers.

On that particular night-I am not a member of any IRA organization and have no intention of ever becoming any member of an IRA organization—we found we had a very simple situation: either thes British Army people were to be permitted to come into the area, and in doing so they were going to lift people out and possibly intern then.. or they had to be repelled.

A CHOICE FOR PROTECTION

I discovered on that particular occasion that people had a simple choice and they made it, and they made it totally. The choice they made was, "We want protection"; and protection was offered by menbers of an illegal organization, so-called, in the North of Ireland. the Irish Republican Army.

Thank God-on that particular night we had a situation in which fighting started about four o'clock, and it lasted until 6:00 a.m.; we had something like 2,000 rounds of ammunition and something like " to 100 bombs. And I say, thank God for it, no one was killed; in fact. nobody was injured.

This brings us to a situation in which the choice that the people in Derry, these 35,000 people, have is a form of support for violence or else an acceptance of what we consider a type of very direct pressure from the British Government with their troops and forces through the agencies to suppress what we considered initially to be legitimate demands.

It is also leading to a situation in that moderate people in the community, finding no loophole of any type whatsoever, cannot find a way or means of getting out of this situation. We certainly don't and never could condone some of the actions that have taken place by members of the IRA in the North of Ireland. There have been terrible deeds committed. I make no excuses for them; they are wrong.

This is the other side of the story and one which I hope you might

find of interest.

FRIENDSHIP WITH SOLDIERS

I want to stress this again: In the Bogside area we had the RUC (Royal Ulster Constabulary) in prior to 1968 and we had the usual type of situation. In the restaurant I owned, at night the local policemen used to come in and sit down and I would give them free cups of tea and things like that. Equally in another restaurant I own in William Street in the Bogside area, right up until Christmas 1969 we used to send out cups of tea to soldiers who would be just on the perimeter of the Bogside area. The second restaurant I have is just inside the area, and on Christmas Eve the staff purchased a bottle of whisky and made hot whiskies and took them to the British soldiers. This situation has changed so utterly, so completely, so devastatingly, that unless someone somewhere does something, the record is absolutely straight, we are heading, I believe we have actually got, a civil war situation. I think we have not recognized it. I think we are three months into the civil war, and somebody today is going to have to try to stop it.

I feel I am here to ask you people just to put a little word in Mr. Heath's ear, to say to him, "Please do something about the situation." That is all I have to say.

Mr. ROSENTHAL. A very eloquent statement.

Father Daly.

STATEMENT OF REV. EDWARD DALY, DERRY, NORTHERN IRELAND

Father DALY. Mr. Chairman, I am a priest in Derry. I have worked there for the last 10 years. My district consists of the area in which most of the rioting in recent years has taken place, on the fringes of the Bogside area, the area in which the events of Bloody Sunday took place, the area in which there are no pavements-they have all been ripped up and used as missiles-an area in which there is no streetlighting-it has all been shot out by British soldiers for fear of snipers. It is an area in which there is no social life of any kind. It is an area in which people lock their doors once it gets toward darkness, for fear of intruders.

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