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error from the very best writers. This Mr. Connon has of the Statesmen of the Reign of George III." as condone to a great extent, and usefully.

A Review of the Principal Facts connected with the Rise, Progress, Conclusion, and Character of the Recent State Prosecutions in Ireland; including an examination of the most important of the decisions and opinions of the judges in both countries, and of the Judgment of the House of Lords. By a Barrister. Octavo, pp. 352. Longman & Co.

It was highly proper that the "Facts" of " the Monster Trial" should be collected, and placed on record in an authentic form. After so much time, and so much space, in newspapers and pamphlets, have been allotted to this Trial, the public may purchase and store for future study; but until a year or two have elapsed, it is hardly to be expected that "the facts" can gain much attention. Every one is, upon reflection, pleased with a result which ought to stop the mouths of the clamorous; but no one is disposed once more to go over the same ground. The book appears, therefore, either too late or too soon to command immediate attention. Its Repeal bias is sufficiently apparent, though, upon the whole, the Barrister appears to be fair where points of fact only are concerned.

Memoirs of Prince Charles Stuart (Count of Albany,) commonly called the Young Pretender, with Notices of the Rebellion of 1745, by Charles Louis Klose, Esq. Two volumes octavo, with a portrait of Prince Charles. Pp. 793. London: Colburn.

firmation of the weighty authority which his name ought

to bear on the momentous subject of the letter before

us. The Letter was not intended by the Chief-Justice for publication, though it cannot, coming from such a quarter, fail to be both highly useful and acceptable. The editor remarks- "It is deeply important that the scoffers at divine truth should be made more fully aware than the manners of the world allow of, that one whom they have admired as the ornament of their most polished circles is not to be named as a sanction for unbelief." And the editor might have gone farther, in classing Chief-Justice Bushe with some of the best men and the best thinkers that ever lived, as a sanction for well-grounded belief in the Christian system and doctrines. We leave the task of discovering blemishes in the Letter to the polemic critics, and have much pleasure in announcing one more authoritative testimony to the fundamental truths of Christianity.

The Power of the Soul over the Body, considered in relation to Health and Morals. By George Moore, M.D. Member of the Royal College of Physicians, Post octavo, pp. 305. London: Longman & Co. This volume would be highly interesting were it only for the number of facts illustrative of mental, or mixed mental and physical phenomena, which the ingenious and speculative author has collected. Those who like to study works of the nature of Dr. Abercrombie's and the more philosophical and recondite of the mesmerists and phrenologists, will be interested in the speculations which it unfolds. The author seems, however, to be an anti-phrenologist, and in no respect a person carried about with every wind of new doctrine, though he is, with philosophical calmness, ready to examine the foundations of plausible new theories. The chapters in the second part of the treatise, on "Injudicious Education," "Undue attention to the Body," "the Effects of the Passions on Health;" and those on " the Irritable Brain," and on "Chagrin and Suicide," are peculiarly worthy of perusal, from the practical truths which they elucidate or promulgate.

After the numerous memoirs of Prince Charles which have appeared, another Life, which is bulkier than any one of them, and which yet contains no new facts, nor yet new lights thrown on old obscurities, might be deemed a superfluity in English literature. So thinks not Mr. Klose, though he pretends to do little more than to combine worn-out but authentic materials in a new and better order. To those who have not read any of the existing Memoirs of the Pretender, the present work will, however, be acceptable; and we must admit that there are none of them either so complete or excellent as to render a fresh attempt hopeless. Mr. Klose has strong Jacobite prepossessions, which gives some raciness to portions of his book; but he is not so absolutely fanatical as many of even the modern Jacobites; and he does not disguise the fact, that however gallant and amiable the Prince may have been in youth, in middle life he sank into a very despicable character-avaricious, mean, intemperate, and unprincely. The most interesting point of his story are his adventures in Scotland, and especially after the battle of Culloden; and these are given, from contemporary but published documents, with sufficient amplitude in the volumes before us. This work settles the question of the existence of direct lineal The Falls, Lakes, and Mountains of North Wales. By

descendants of the house of Stuart: neither the Prince
nor his brother, Cardinal York, left issue, legitimate or
illegitimate.

A Summary View of the Evidences of Christianity, in a
Letter from the Right Hon. Charles Kendal Bushe,
late Chief-Justice of the King's Bench, Dublin; with
a Preface and Notes by the Rev. James Wills, A.M.
Small octavo, pp. 178. Dublin: Curry & Co.
In Ireland, this little volume must issue from the
press under a high sanction; and in England, we may
refer to the character of Chief-Justice Bushe, which is
to be found in Lord Brougham's "Historical Sketches

Howitt's History of Priesteraft in all Ages and Nations. London: John Chapman.

This is a new, and neatly done-up cheap edition, being the seventh, of this popular work, with "large additions." We are tempted to think that there are which Mr. Howitt has not thought it prudent to advert. still some contemporary manifestations of priestcraft to All priesteraft is not confined to the Church of Rome, nor yet to the Church of England, or any other church as by law established."

66

Louisa Stuart Costello, author of "A Summer among the Bocages and the Vines," "A Pilgrimage to Auvergne," &c. &c. &c.; with Illustrations by Thomas and Edward Gilks, from Original Sketches by D. H. M'Kewan. Small quarto; with a Map and numerous Vignettes and Lithograph Engravings. Pp. 221. London: Longman & Co.

This very pretty volume forms a picturesque tour of the Principality, and in many particulars a guide also; and a charming one, as it touches only upon engaging and delightful things and topics. It is made up of romantic legends and traditions, and descriptions of local

scenery. The topics are judiciously and tastefully | Norris Castle; or Recent Tramps in the Isle of Wight. selected, picturesquely or poetically treated, and not dwelt upon too long; so that much is comprehended in small space. The book will, we are certain, be peculiarly delightful to juvenile readers, as well as a pleasant and not cumbrous travelling companion in the Principality.

The Novels and Romances of Anna Eliza Bray. Vol. I. The White Hoods. London: Longman & Co. This volume is the first of a new Edition, "revised and corrected," of the romances of Mrs. Bray, and published on the modern system, of giving what originally made three volumes in a single volume. "The White Hoods" is too well known to require notice here; but an autobiographical "general preface," written by the authoress for the intended edition, forms a new and attractive feature. In it we have a history of each of Mrs. Bray's works, somewhat in the spirit of Scott's notes to the Waverley Novels. Though much is comprised in one volume, the book is nevertheless, from the clearness of the type, agreeable to the eye and pleasantly readable.

The Works of G. P. R. James, Esq. Vol. IV. In this handsomely got up and very cheap volume, we find the romance of "One in a Thousand, or the Days of Henri Quatre," which is one of Mr. James's most generally and deservedly popular productions. Lost Happiness, or the Effects of a Lie; a Tale, by Lady Chatterton. This is a very pretty juvenile book, in which a pure moral is inculcated in a well-told tale. Prayers for the Dead, for the Use of the Members of the Church of England, with a Preface; to which are added, Meditations on the Four Last Things, with Instructions for using them, and other Devotions. London: James Toovey.

There is one capital mistake in the above title: It should have run, "for the Romish Church in England." There is something exceedingly solemn, and, we should fear, seductive, in these earnest Prayers and Offices for the Dead, which are all compiled in the language of Scripture.

Physiology of Digestion, considered in Relation to the Principles of Dietetics. By Andrew Combe, M.D. Edinburgh: Maclachlan & Stewart.

This is a cheap, or People's edition, making the fifth of this useful and approved popular treatise on a subject which, it is no joke to say, comes home to all men's business and bosoms."

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The Industrial Resources of Ireland. By Robert Kanc,
M.D. Second Edition. Dublin: Hodges & Smith.
A Manual of Agricultural Chemistry, with its Applica-
tion to the Soils of Ireland. By Thomas Antisell,
Member of the Royal College of Surgeons, &c. &c.
Dublin: Hodges & Smith.

The Wine Merchant's Manual, a Treatise on the Fining,
Preparation of Finings, and General Management of
Wines, &c. By T. Smeed. Smith, Elder, & Co.
This, to those whom it may concern, appears to be a
useful little book.

Slavery in the United States: A Letter to the Hon.
Daniel Webster. By M. B. Sampson. London: S.
Highley.

In this letter the right side is earnestly advocated.

By John Gwilliam, author of "Rambles in the Isle of Wight," &c. &c. London: Effingham Wilson. Mr. Gwilliam professes that his present publication, like his "Rambles" over the same ground, aims at two things-" amusement and utility ;" and what is more to the purpose, he is certain that he has succeeded in his aims, and that his name will long be remembered in the Isle of Wight. The "recent trips" are mostly versified; and upon the whole the author is on such happy terms with himself, that the approbation of the critics can hardly be required for his contentment. The Dream of the Lilybell, Tales and Poems; with Translations of the "Hymns to Night," from the German of Novalis. By Henry Morley. London : Sherwood, Gilbert, & Piper. Small octavo. Pp. 176. We have here a small and elegant volume, exceedingly creditable to the talents and acquirements of the ingenious young author. His genius is at present strongly tinged with his peculiar German studies; and his original pieces show admiration of Tennyson. The translation of the sweet and fanciful "Dream of the Lilybell" is rendered with spirit and delicacy. Poems. By William Anderson. Now first collected. Small octavo. Pp. 255. Edinburgh: Menzies. The name of Mr. Anderson is not new on the long list of the "Lyrists of our high-souled land." In the present miscellaneous collection of short pieces, he more than sustains the reputation his former productions had obtained for him. His lyrical progress is distinguished by as much animation, and more simplicity and purity of style.

Love's Legend-Adhemar's Vow-Bertha-The Peri, &c. Poems by Archer Gurney. London: C. Mitchell.

This volume does not appear to us to require any particular analysis. It is like five hundred more that have been and will be published, to the mental improvement of the authors, the delight of their friends, and the injury of no one.

Poems and Snatches of Prose. By T. Denham. London:
Smith, Elder, & Co.

It is the opinion of Professor Wilson of Edinburgh, that Mr. Denham's Poems have much merit, and that the publication of a volume of them would do him credit. No doubt of it. It is a very creditable thing, whatever the prosaic million may fancy, to be able to produce a volume of poems which "have much merit." And here it is, dedicated to the Professor, to whose opinion on such questions we defer so entirely, that it saves us all need of saying more on the subject of Mr. Denham's poems. A Cypress Wreath for an Infant's Grave; with an Introduction and Essay on Infant Salvation. Small octavo. Second Edition, enlarged. London: Hamilton, Adams, & Co.

Songs and Poems, chiefly Scottish. By Alexander Hume. With a Glossary. Second Edition. London: Smith. Islaford, and other Poems, a book for Winter Evenings and Summer Moods. By George Murray. London: Smith, Elder, & Co. Edinburgh: Oliver & Boyd. We take blame to ourselves for having so long delayed to announce a little volume which contains some genuine Scottish poetry of the simple ballad kind. The wellwritten preface shows, that whether the author of the poems be in any high sense a poet or not, he at least

understands and feels what poetry is, and what are its | finest uses, whether by the cottage hearth in the winter evenings, or by the wild wood, and the burn side, in summer gloamins. The long poem Islaford, from which the volume takes its title, and of which the heroine is named Ada Rose, is a tale somewhat in the style of Crabbe; wanting, indeed, the terseness and finish of that illappreciated poet, but possessing his simplicity and directness. The author of Islaford, however, like every hopeful young poet, makes bold attempts in many varying styles, and is perhaps not the least successful in the Scottish ballad. We have noted with approbation, among other pieces, Badenyon, with its homely philosophy; the sweet tenderness of the Cradle Hymn, Peggy Ramsay, and others; but our specimen shall be the canty song of " My ain Board-en',"

I canna bide at e'en

Frae my ain board-en', There's a wife and a wean

At my ain board-en', And a blithesome beaming e'e Blinks across the hameward lea, And a dish is laid for me On my ain board-en'.

But though I maun awa

To my ain board-en', I'll be blithe to see ye a'

At my ain board-en'. Wit mayna often flash, But gossips seldom gash, And haverels never clash At my ain board-en'.

I hae aye a jug of ale

At my ain board-en';

And mony a canty tale

At my ain board-en'.

They are wearin' auld, I trow, But they're better far than new, When tauld by lips I lo'e,

At my ain board-en'.

SERIAL WORKS.

FINDEN'S BEAUTIES OF THE POETS. Part I. London: Chapman & Hall. - This is an illustrated work, in the style of "Byron's Beauties," &c. &c., though the plates are of larger size. The first bard selected is MOORE; and the Beauties chosen to commence with are personifications of " Black Eyes" and " Blue,”—

"The brilliant black eye, and the soft eye of blue,”— "St. Jerome's Love," and "Young Kitty," from the song of "Ill Omens." They are each fine prints, and portraits of ideal embodiments of the artist's notion of the several Beauties to be represented; yet we must say that they are, though beautiful, about as uncharactered as heads of the sort one is accustomed to see. To many, a fine engraving from Lawrence's picture of Moore will be the most attractive "Beauty" of the list. It is of the size of miniature, and is set as it were in a rich and elegant frame, designed by Marchant. The engraving of all the plates, but especially of this one, is fine and effective.

KNIGHT'S OLD ENGLAND. Part XVII.-The coloured frontispiece is the interior of the Bodleian Library, Oxford. The part contains a whole frame of heads of Shakspere, and portraits of the most celebrated of the dramatists of his age; with sketches illustrative of the Dances, Mayings, and the Christmas and other pastimes of Old England.

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PAMPHLETS AND TRACTS.

THE LIFE OF ST. AUGUSTINE OF CANTERBURY, Apostle OF THE ENGLISH; WITH SOME ACCOUNT OF THE EARLY BRITISH CHURCH. London: Toovey.

SPEECH OF VISCOUNT HOWICK, M.P. on Mr. Cobden's Motion for an Inquiry into Agricultural Distress.

A CATECHISM ON THE COMMON PRAYER, &c. By the Rev. A. W. Burnside, Curate of Farningham. London: Smith, Elder, & Co.

THE EDUCATION OF THE WORKING CLASSES: an Address delivered by Dr. Smiles to the Members and Friends of the Leeds Mutual Improvement Society, on March 19, 1845.-We would recommend this address to all young persons desirous of educating themselves, and at a loss how to proceed with the best advantage, and especially what books to read.

ADDRESS DELIVERED TO THE MENTAL IMPROVEMENT SOCIETY OF THE LIVERPOOL MECHANICS' INSTITUTION. By W. B. Hodson, Principal of the Institution, &c. &c.

THIRD ANNUAL REPORT OF THE COUNCIL OF THE LIVERPOOL ANTI-MONOPOLY ASSOCIATION. Liverpool: Baines. -We should be glad to quote the full half of this Report; but it is short and cheap. Newspapers should diffuse its contents, and Free Traders should purchase and circulate it.

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By the

Rev. James Macbeth.-The author, the minister of a Free Church in Glasgow, calls upon the General Assembly of that church to have no dealings with slave-holders and slave-holding countries; and asserts that the former are guilty of a crime demanding excommunication. He deals himself as gently as may be with" the inadvertence" which led the Deputation of the Free Church to America to touch" the price of blood," the gold of slave-holders; or of churches implicated in the crime of holding property in man. He exhorts the Free congregations to make themselves heard in the Assembly; to assert their Christian rights, nay, to revolt, if need be; meaning, all the while, no disrespect to "those fathers and brethren " of the Free Church who have so grievously erred through inadvertence in this matter.

THE PEOPLE'S MUSIC-BOOK. Part I. Psalm and Hymn Tunes; Part II. Sacred Music; Part III. Secular Music; for Four Voices, with Organ or Pianoforte accompaniments, by James Turle, Esq. organist of Westminster Abbey, and Edward Taylor, Esq. Gresham Professor of Music. Super royal 8vo.-A selection and arrangement of popular music worthy of the highest praise, and admirably adapted for general use. It is suitable alike for the choir and for family concerts.

SIR ROBERT PEEL'S RECENT IRISH POLICY.

By the time these sheets are in our readers' hands the Maynooth Endowment bill will probably have been read the third time in the House of Commons, and be making safe, and, comparatively, quiet progress in the Upper House, through which it will no doubt pass by easy stages to its eventual destination in the statute book. We should be glad to be able to anticipate with equal confidence that the dangerous heats and irritations to which this bill has given rise will subside when their immediate object shall be placed visibly out of the reach of Exeter Hall agitation. As some small contribution towards so desirable an end, we abstain from re-opening the discussion of a question on which we have already fully expressed our opinion. Without entering into any further criticism of the conduct of the different political and religious parties engaged in the recent agitation, we content ourselves with expressing the fervent hope that the friends of civil and religious liberty will not again allow themselves to be entrapped into doing the work of the enemies of both; and that the next time the voluntary principle is heard of in our politics, its advocates will succeed in keeping it clear from even the semblance of an alliance with sectarian and ecclesiastical bigotries.

Instead of reviving the expiring controversy on the abstract merits and demerits of the Maynooth bill, it may be more useful-treating the measure as, for the present, a fait accompli, only to be reversed when Great Britain shall thoroughly and radically redress the wrongs of which it is a slight and temporary palliative to look at its practical tendencies and results, so far as these have yet developed themselves, or may be made matter of reasonable inference.

Whatever faults this measure may be chargeable with, in principle or detail, it has at least one great practical merit: it forcibly rouses the attention of the British people to the necessity of doing justice to Ireland. Interpreted by the language of its proposers and more prominent supporters, this Maynooth Endowment bill may be regarded as a formal disclaimer, made on the highest authority-that of the united deliberate judgment of our leading public men of all parties-of the old maxims and methods of Anglo-Irish policy. It is a declaration that the old ascendency system, always false and immoral, is henceforth impossible; that the great mass of the people of Ireland-the "lower Irish nation," as they have been called-can no longer be held in constrained subjection to the " upper Irish nation," or to Great Britain, but must be governed in the spirit of equality; that we must have an united kingdom, and can only hope to have it by conciliation; and that all sectional antipathies and bigotries, whatever name or form they may take, must give way to this high imperial necessity. We need not remark how much additional emphasis this declaration receives from the painful and humbling retractations which it necessitated on the side of one party, and the political risks and sacrifices which it has cost all parties. That must indeed be a conviction of overpowering force which induces the leaders of opposite parliamentary parties to make common cause against large numbers of their supporters

and followers. That Sir Robert Peel has voluntarily subjected himself a second time to the reproach of treachery and apostacy; that Lord John Russell has zealously seconded the policy of his rival, at the expense of much of his own popularity; that both these statesmen have united to carry a measure which seriously damages the political position and prospects of each, may be taken as indisputable evidence of the strength of the convictions that have actuated them. All the lesser interests which usually govern the political conduct of parliamentary leaders have given way to the primary interest that every statesman has in the integrity and greatness of the empire whose government he is, or may be, called to administer.

We must, of course, deeply regret that the "conciliation," whose necessity is now so emphatically proclaimed by our statesmen, has taken the shape, not of political justice, but of a mere ecclesiastical boon. It is still more to be regretted, that the proposal to grant that boon has called forth manifestations of antipathy and antagonism, on the part of England and Scotland, to the religious faith of Ireland, which complicate more than ever the great difficulty, and give an apparent sanction to that dangerous doctrine of the Repealers, that the obstacle to just and equal union lies less with the British government than with the British people. At the same time, there is hope underneath all this. In the very exasperation which this Maynooth affair has provoked, on the part of this country, we possess some sort of security for the eventual adoption of a wiser and better policy. If the British people abhor paying their money to Irish "Popery," the remedy is in their own hands. Give Ireland political justice, and her Popery may safely be left to shift for itself. Withhold the political justice-and we must go on paying and patronizing the Popery.

To retrace our steps, and go back to where we were before, is impossible. Simple repeal of the Maynooth bill is what no man charged with the responsibilities of office will ever be mad enough to venture on. And, were the Maynooth bill repealed, we should only find ourselves again in presence of the difficulties that necessitated its enactment. The only possible way of getting rid of the Maynooth tax is to supersede the occasion for it, by redressing the wrongs of which it is a lame and imperfect corrective, and conceding the rights for which it is a miserable substitute. As it is well said, in an able and temperate article in the quarterly organ of the Protestant Dissenters :-" Do justice to Ireland, as a country, and you supersede all This is, in necessity for endowing its Romanism.” fact, the alternative now before the British people. Do justice to the country, or endow the Romanism. There is no third course. Coercion is, once for all, given up. The choice lies, not between conciliation and coercion, but between conciliation by political justice, and conciliation by ecclesiastical boons. The violent aversion which the British people have so unmistakeably manifested for the latter course, affords some ground for the hope that we shall presently begin insisting on the former. Such, it strikes us, is the general result, the net product, of this Maynooth affair, as it now stands.

It takes coercion out of the category of political alterna- | tives, and gives us our choice between two modes of conciliation, a better and a worse. If we are in earnest in disliking the worse, we have nothing left for it but to demand the better. The more intensely we abhor the Irishman's creed, the stronger is the motive for giving him full measure of civil and political justice.

It is obvious that all this is especially applicable to the question of maintaining the Irish Protestant Church establishment. The endowment of Roman Catholic theology out of the consolidated fund of the united kingdom, has brought the people of England and Scotland face to face with that "bad institution," which is at the bottom of the discontents that have necessitated this extremely disagreeable measure, and whose mal-appropriation of Irish property throws on the imperial exchequer a charge for Irish objects. The people of England and Scotland must be wofully deficient in the faculty which phrenologists denominate "causality," if they cannot perceive that the Irish Protestant Church and the Maynooth tax are parts of one whole-cause and effect-agent and counter-agent, the one the correlative and complement of the other. It will be little to the credit of the public understanding, if the irritation and exasperation of the "re-acting grievance" do not provoke inquiry into the principal grievance, the great origo mali. For it is idle making a separate quarrel with the Maynooth tax. Nothing can well be worse than this Maynooth tax: absolutely-relatively, it is the merest, barest piece of common equity and common sense. Our quarrel must be, henceforth, with the perversion of Irish ecclesiastical property, which necessitates, and which alone can justify the odious impost. Were there no Irish Protestant Church, i. e. no such Irish Protestant Church as that now existing there need be, and would be, no Maynooth

tax.

While the Irish Protestant Church continues to exist, in its present shape, there ought to be-and, whether "ought" or not, there will be-the Maynooth tax. If British Protestant consciences revolt against the payment of Irish Popish theology, British Protestant consciences know their remedy-abolish the sectarian monopoly of national property. If British Protestants have not sense and spirit to apply the remedy, we can only say that they deserve to have their consciences and pockets Maynoothed to the end of time.

That the House of Commons has recently re-affirmed, by a majority of one hundred and seventy-four, the legitimacy and perpetuity of the "great ecclesiastical enormity of Europe," as Mr. Roebuck truly calls it, has clearly done nothing towards setting this matter at rest. An action of ejectment," to which Mr. Ward's motion was aptly likened by Mr. Macaulay, may be repeated, from time to time, at the option of the plaintiff, as new evidence comes to light; and the wrongfully evicted claimant will find a judge and jury to do him justice at last. It is plain that this is a cause which no number nor weight of adverse decisions can put finally out of court. The debate of the 23d and 24th of April was the most damaging to the interests of the Irish ecclesiastical monopoly of any that we recollect. In particular, Mr. Macaulay's masterly dissection of the various pleas and pretexts that are resorted to in defence of this enormity, and his energetic denunciation of the "bad institution," together with the noble exposition of the principles and spirit of "justice to Ireland," given in the high-toned speech of Lord

Howick, on the same occasion, must have produced an impression, even on the mind of the assembly to which they were addressed, that scarcely needed the heightening effect of contrast with the absurd arguments and languid protestations of the ministerial speakers. The prophecy of the member for Edinburgh, that, “should the present government be in power five years hence, the right honourable baronet, the First Lord of the Treasury, will come down to this house and propose the final settlement of the Irish church," by a bill "framed in the spirit of the proposition of the honourable member for Sheffield," is startling, on a first hearing; but it possesses more intrinsic verisimilitude than usually belongs to political vaticinations. If Sir Robert Peel ever should do this, he will only be acting in conformity with opinions which he has again and again expressed, with abundant emphasis of language, and every appearance of deliberate conviction, from the ealiest years of his political life down to the date of the Act of Emancipation.*

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Since we last wrote, the long-promised ministerial measure on Irish Academical Education has been introduced. We wish we could believe that the excellent intentions with which this scheme has evidently been framed, and the fundamentally sound principles on which it rests, were likely, in the present state of Irish temper and feeling, to be efficacious for the great end that it seeks to accomplish; or that the substantial merits of the measure would suffice, in practical operation, to neutralize its grievous faults of omission. Nothing can be better in purpose and principle. The object of the bill is that transcendently important one, the union of all sects and parties of the middle and upper classes of Irish society in common sympathies and ideas;-the reconciling," to use the premier's words, "of those who have hitherto been estranged by religious differences." The agency to be employed for this end is that by which alone it can ever, if ever, be accomplishededucation, on the liberal, or mixed," principle; secular and moral education given to all jointly, under state patronage and supervision; theological education left to be provided for each separately, at the discretion of parents and guardians; the state-endowment principle for that about which all are agreed, the voluntary principle for that about which all differ. We feel that great credit is due to the government for the liberal spirit in which they have taken up this subject, and the earnestness with which they have addressed themselves to the task of subduing the most formidable difficulty that obstructs the pacification and improvement of Ireland-the social and political animosities consequent on religious differences. The merit of their present attempt is not the less, but the greater, because of the total abandonment of factious pretences which is implied in the adoption, by a Tory ministry, of that policy of educational liberalism which the whole party so furiously assailed in 1839.

In our criticisms on this measure, we need not say that we have no sympathy whatever with the spirit of the objections, raised by opposite religious parties, against its essential principle. That principle is the only one on which it is possible to attempt, with the shadow of a chance of success, the fusion of the religious and social contradictions that are the curse of Ireland. It is a principle which has been already tried,

* See the curious digest of "The Opinions of Sir Robert Peel, expressed in Parliament and in Public," given to the world some time since by Mr. W. T. Haly. A specimen or two may not be uninteresting:--

"When parliament has declared that there is no reason why one religion should have any preference over the other, is it to be supposed that the Catholics of Ireland will consent willingly to maintain the clergy of a religion not professed by more than one-fifth of the inhabitants of that country? How can we hope, under such circumstances, when it is admitted that there are 4,000,000 of Catholics to 800,000 Protestants, to maintain the Protestant ascendency?"-Mr. Grattan's Relief Bill, May 13, 1813.

"I am told that it is perfectly safe in Ireland to admit the professors of all religions to the enjoyment of the same privileges, and after this has been accomplished, the Protestant church is still to be retained. I know several honourable members, and among them the member for Montrose, [Mr. Hume,] who contend that this is impossible. On this point he agrees with me; for, over and over again, he has argued that it is a mere mockery to suppose that the Roman Catholics will be satisfied with a Protestant church establishment.”—Sir Francis Burdett's motion on Catholic Emancipation, February 28, 1825.

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