the plain and city of Kandahar; two years later he invaded the Punjab.

Having now brought the future antagonists face to face it will be well to take a rapid survey of the condition of the prize for which they were to contend.

The nominal power of Hindustan was exercised within everfluctuating limits; the Sultan being ill-tempered, yet little abie to cope with the turbulent ambition of the Afghán nobles. Bihar and Jaunpur were in a state of imperfect obedience, Bengal-of which the capital was sometimes near Dacca, but more usually at Guar-was a totally distinct Muslim kingdom, under the Sultan already mentioned by the name of Alá-uddin; but he was succeeded, in 1521, by Nasrat Sháh. Gujarát -extending from the Vindhyas to Somnáth and Surat-was held by petty Rajput chiefs in subordination to a Muslim Sultan named Muzafar Shah, who was contending for the country about Mándu (the province of Málwa) with the Rána of Méwar, of which the fortified capital was Chittore. There were a few petty principalities arising in Hindustan, and the Rajputs maintained a wild autonomy south of Ajmere. In the Deccan the last of the Bahmanis (the dynasty of Hassan Gángu) were struggling against the new Muslim states which had broken off from the allegiance of their Empire, and set up, respectively, at Ahmadnagar (1490), Elichpur (1484), Bidar (1498), and Bijapur (1489). A fifth state arose on the complete overthrow of Mahmud II., the last ruler of the Bahmanis, about 1518: the capital was at Golkonda.* Further south the great Hindu kingdom of Bijainagar was still in full strength, with minor principalities—always under Hindu Rájas—in Calicut, Tanjore, and Travancore.

Such was the chaotic condition of the vast country over

These Deccan States will be more fully noticed in the next section: what is now said is necessary for the understanding of the annexed map. (See also Synoptical Table, infra, p. 115).

H

which Ibrahim Lodi affected a sort of general overlordship at Agra and Delhi. But his authority was contested, even in the neighbourhood of the last-named capital; and in 1524 the Governor of Lahore-a kinsman of the Emperor, named Daulat Khán-went into revolt and invited the aid of Bábar, which was most readily affor ded. Bábar had long had his

eye on the Punjab, which he claimed as part of the succession of the Amir Taimur; but on arriving in the country of the Five Rivers he found that Daulat Khán was unable--perhaps also unwilling to hand it over. A confederation of Sultan Ibrahim's officers gave him battle near Lahore, and it was not until he had defeated them in the field that he was able to occupy the city. Daulat held back, and the invaders were left to attack Deopálpore single-handed. Here, too, they were successful, and here Daulat made a show of adhesion which, however, was of little service. Daulat ultimately turned openly against the Mughals, and Bábar returned to his mountain-home, leaving Deopálpore in charge of an uncle of the Sultan who had espoused his cause. Daulat now struck in on his own account; and in Bábar's absence made himself master of all the Punjab. Bábar was unable to oppose him for the moment, being occupied in driving out an Uzbeg raid from the northern part of his dominions. That task accomplished, he returned to Lahore, subjugated Daulat, and marched on Delhi by way of Pánipat.

A lamented historian thus describes the scene:- 66 An extensive level tract, broken only by insignificant risings of ground; here and there the shallow soil, moistened by some scanty stream, yields a niggard growth of coarse grass, and stunted bushes. But, for the most part, one sees only the yellow-grey of the barren land. Everywhere a silent void, as if the plain were intended by Nature to be the battlefield of nations."* Hither, on Thursday the 20th April, 1526, Sultan Ibrahim * Court v. Noer (Prince Frederic of Schleswig-Holstein.)

gathered the hosts of Hindustan to meet the invaders. The nobles of India were arrayed in gilded armour, with hundreds of elephants bravely barded and accoutred, their tents and canopies making a field of cloth-of-gold. The day was spent in pageant and revelry. Very different was the cheer of the war-spent wanderers, who had fought their way so far from their native hills into the hot wind and the parched desert. Many of them, by their leader's frank admission, were in a state of actual trepidation approaching panic. While admitting that such feelings were unbecoming, Bábar sympathetically adds that, in the circumstances, he could not greatly blame his followers, opposed to an outnumbering host in a strange land. But the difference in the quality of the respective leaders redressed the balance. "The Emperor," so Bábar testifies, "was inexperienced and illiberal; negligent in strategy and disorderly in movement; halting without plan and fighting without forcthought." Bábar, for his part, learned wisdom from difficulty, and left nothing to chance. His right was sheltered by the the walls of Panipat: his front was protected by artillery, the guns roped together with raw hide, and covered by wagons and fascines. Behind these were ranged the musketeers with rested matchlocks, the long Afghan jazail which proved formidable to European troops within living memory. On the left Bábar made an earthwork guarded by abattis. In such preparations he passed the long hours. At dawn of the following day the impatient Ibrahim brought his motley hosts to the assault of the invaders, with a result that appears to us now as a foregone conclusion. On one side were the courage of despair, and something of the resources of scientific warfare; on the other side, men-at-arms of the medieval type, with crowded ranks of spearmen and archers thronging on in foolhardy disorder. The Mughal cavalry formed three divisions, two to charge the advancing enemy, and one to guard the camp. They also had their archers, who crept round the enemy's right, and galled their

rear with clouds of long arrows, while the front attack was pelted from swivels in the Mughal batteries and culverins on their left centre. The nearer the Indians came to the Mughal camp the less heart they had to storm. Goaded, pressed rank on rank, unwilling to advance, unable to retreat, they suffered from their very multitude, and fell into chaos. In vain the Sultan and his chosen companion attempted to restore the battle. A courtier urged him to escape while it was yet time; but the Mughal horse were upon them, the archers were at their rear, and Ibrahim refused to make the attempt. He plunged into the melêe with his faithful followers. When all was over five thousand corpses were found heaped about their dead Sultan. The Indians lost fifteen thousand in killed alone-according to Bábar's computation-amongst them the Hindu Rája of Gwalior who had joined the Muslim Sultan in defence of their common country. Many more were cut up, or made prisoners in the pursuit; advance parties went forward and occupied Delhi and Agra. The native Muslim had been fairly overmatched, but not by a savage enemy. We hear of no further slaughter; the land simply changed masters after one supreme effort.

SECTION 3.-Sultan Bábar has left one of the most charming autobiographies ever written, a work which has been translated out of the original Turkish into various languages. A Persian rendering appeared during the time of Akbar, made by a Mughal noble, whom we shall presently have to notice as distinguished in public life.* The "Memoirs of Bábar" have also been translated into French by the well-known Turkish scholar, Pavet de Courteille; and an English translation of the Persian version was published by the late W. Erskine in 1826. As the "Confessions" of a medieval adven

A beautiful MS. of this work, with many coloured pictures, is in the Agra College Library. It was formerly the property of the Emperor Shah Jahán, and bears his autograph on the fly-leaf.