itself only as it would confide the risk attending bills drawn on such funds to a smaller number, and as secrecy was essential in the operation, as well to guard our affairs in general from injury, as the credit of the bills in question from debasement. It was supposed, both by the superintendent and the committee, that there was, in fact, little danger of bills drawn on France, on the credit of the loan of four millions of dollars applied for, being dishonored; since, if the negotiations on foot were to terminate in peace, France would prefer an advance in our favor to exposing us to the necessity of resorting to Great Britain for it; and that if the war should continue, the necessity of such an aid to its prosecution would prevail. The result was, that the committee should make such report as would bring the matter before Congress under an injunction of secrecy, and produce a resolution authorizing the superintendent to draw bills, as the public service might require, on the credit of applications for loans in Europe. The report of the committee to this effect was, accordingly, the next day made and adopted unanimously. Mr. DYER alone at first opposed it, as an unwarrantable and dishonorable presumption on the ability and disposition of France. Being answered, however, that without such a step, or some other expedient, which neither he nor any other had suggested, our credit would be stabbed abroad, and the public service wrecked at home, and that, however mortifying it might be to commit our credit, our faith, and our honor, to the mercy of a foreign nation, it was a mortification which could not be avoided without endangering our very existence, he acquiesced, and the resolution was entered unanimously. The circumstance of unanimity was thought of consequence, as it would evince the more the necessity of the succor, and induce France the more readily to yield to it. On this occasion several members were struck with the impropriety of the late attempt to withdraw from France the trust confided to her over the terms of peace, when we were under the necessity of giving so decisive a proof of our dependence on her. It was also adverted to, in private conversation, as a great unhappiness, that, during negotiations for peace, when an appearance of vigor and resource were so desirable, such a proof of our poverty and imbecility could not be avoided.

The conduct of Mr. Howell, &c., had led several, and particularly Mr. PETERS, into an opinion that some further rule and security ought to be provided for concealing matters of a secret nature. On the motion of Mr. PETERS, a committee composed of himself, Mr. Williamson, &c., was appointed to make a report on the subject. On this day the report was made. It proposed that members of Congress should each subscribe an instrument pledging their faith and honor not to disclose certain enumerated matters.

The enumeration being very indistinct and objectionable, and a written engage ment being held insufficient with those who without it would violate prudence or honor, as well as marking a general distrust of the prudence and honor of Congress, the report was generally disrelished; and, after some debate, in which it was faintly supported by Mr. WILLIAMSON, the committee asked and obtained leave to with

draw it.

A discussion of the report on the mode of valuing the lands was revived. It consisted chiefly of a repetition of the former debates.

In the evening, according to appointment on Tuesday last, the grand committee met, as did the superintendent of finance. The chairman, Mr. WOLCOTT, informed the committee that Colonels Ogden and Brooks, two of the deputies from the army, had given him notice that General M'Dougall, the first of the deputation, was so indisposed with the rheumatism as to be unable to attend, and expressed a desire that the committee would adjourn to his lodging at the Indian Queen Tavern, the deputies being very anxious to finish their business, among other reasons, on account of the scarcity of money with them. At first the committee seemed disposed to comply; but it being suggested, that such an adjournment by a committee of a member from each state would be derogatory from the respect due to themselves, especially as the mission from the army was not within the ordinary course of duty, the idea was dropped. In lieu of it, they adjourned to Monday evening next, on the ostensible reason of the extreme badness of the weather, which had prevented the attendance of several members.

MONDAY, January 13.

The report on the valuation of land was referred to a grand committee.
A motion was made by Mr. PETERS, seconded by Mr. MADISON, "that a com

mittee be appointed to consider the expediency of making further applications for loans in Europe, and to confer with the superintendent of finance on the subject." In support of this motion, Mr. PETERS observed that, notwithstanding the unce.tainty of success, the risk of appearing unreasonable in our demands on France, and the general objections against indebting the United States to foreign nations, the crisis of our affairs demanded the experiment; that money must, if possible, be procured for the army, and there was ground to expect that the court of France would be influenced by an apprehension that, in case of her failure, and of a pacification, Great Britain might embrace the opportunity of substituting her favors. Mr. MADISON added, that it was expedient to make the trial, because, if it failed, our situation could not be made worse; that it would be prudent in France, and therefore it might be expected of her, to afford the United States such supplies as would enable them to disband their army in tranquillity, lest some internal convulsions might follow external peace, the issue of which ought not to be hazarded; that as the affections and gratitude of this country, as well as its separation from Great Britain, were her objects in the revolution, it would also be incumbent on her to let the army be disbanded under the impression of deriving their rewards through her friendship to their country; since their temper on their dispersion through the several states, and being mingled in the public councils, would much affect the general temper towards France; and that, if the pay of the army could be converted into a consolidated debt bearing interest, the requisitions on the states for the principal might be reduced to requisitions for the interest, and by that means a favorable revolution so far introduced into our finances.

The motion was opposed by Mr. DYER, because it was improper to augment our foreign debts, and would appear extravagant to France. Several others assented to it with reluctance, and several others expressed serious scruples, as honest men, against levying contributions on the friendship or fears of France or others, whilst the unwillingness of the states to invest Congress with permanent funds rendered a repayment so precarious. The motion was agreed to, and the committee chosen — Mr. Gorham, Mr. Peters, and Mr. Izard.

In the evening, according to appointment, the grand committee gave an audience to the deputies of the army, viz.: General M'Dougall and Colonels Ogden and Brooks. The first introduced the subject by acknowledging the attention manifested to the representations of the army by the appointment of so large a committee; his observations turned chiefly on the three chief topics of the memorial, namely, an immediate advance of pay, adequate provision for the residue, and half-pay. On the first, he insisted on the absolute necessity of the measure, to soothe the discontents both of the officers and soldiers; painted their sufferings and services, their successive hopes and disappointments throughout the whole war, in very high-colored expressions; and signified that, if a disappointment were now repeated, the most serious consequences were to be apprehended; that nothing less than the actual distresses of the army would have induced, at this crisis, so solemn an application to their country; but the seeming approach of peace, and the fear of being still more neglected when the necessity of their services should be over, strongly urged the necessity of it. His two colleagues followed him with a recital of various incidents and circumstances tending to evince the actual distresses of the army, the irritable state in which the deputies left them, and the necessity of the consoling influence of an immediate advance of pay. Colonel OGDEN said, he wished not, indeed, to return to the army, if he was to be the messenger of disappointment to them. The deputies were asked, first, what particular steps they supposed would be taken by the ariny in case no pay could be immediately advanced; to which they answered, that it was impossible to say precisely; that although the sergeants, and some of the most intelligent privates, had been often observed in sequestered consultations, yet it was not known that any premeditated plan had been formed; that there was sufficient reason to dread that at least a mutiny would ensue, and the rather as the temper of the officers, at least those of inferior grades, would with less vigor than heretofore struggle against it. They remarked, on this occasion, that the situation of the officers was rendered extremely delicate, and had been sorely felt, when called upon to punish in soldiers a breach of engagements to the public, which had been preceded by uniform and flagrant breaches by the latter of its engagements to the former. General M'DOUGALL said, that the army were verging to that state, which, we are told, will make a wise man mad; and Colonel BROOKS said, that his apprehen

sions were drawn from the circumstance that the temper of the army was such that they did not reason or deliberate coolly on consequences, and, therefore, a disappointment might throw them blindly into extremities. They observed, that the irritations of the army had resulted, in part, from the distinctions made between the civil and military lists, the former regularly receiving their salaries, and the latter as regularly left unpaid. They mentioned, in particular, that the members of the legislatures would never agree to an adjournment without paying themselves fully for their services. In answer to this remark it was observed, that the civil officers, on the average, did not derive from their appointments more than the means of their subsistence; and that the military, although not furnished with their pay properly so called, were in fact furnished with the same necessaries.

On the second point, to wit, "adequate provision for the general arrears due to them," the deputies animadverted with surprise, and even indignation, on the repugnance of the states - some of them at least to establish a federal revenue for discharging the federal engagements. They supposed that the ease, not to say affluence, with which the people at large lived, sufficiently indicated resources far beyond the actual exertions; and that if a proper application of these resources was omitted by the country, and the army thereby exposed to unnecessary sufferings, it must naturally be expected that the patience of the latter would have its limits. As the deputies were sensible that the general disposition of Congress strongly favored this object, they were less diffuse on it. General M’DOUGALL made a remark which may deserve the greater attention, as he stepped from the tenor of his discourse to introduce it, and delivered it with peculiar emphasis. He said that the most intelligent and considerate part of the army were deeply affected at the debility and defects in the federal government, and the unwillingness of the states to cement and invigorate it, as, in case of its dissolution, the benefits expected from the revolution would be greatly impaired; and as, in particular, the contests which might ensue among the states would be sure to embroil the officers which respectively belonged to them.

On the third point, to wit, "half-pay for life," they expressed equal dissatisfaction at the states which opposed it, observing that it formed a part of the wages stipulated to them by Congress, and was but a reasonable provision for the remnant of their lives, which had been freely exposed in the defence of their country, and would be incompatible with a return to occupations and professions for which military habits, of seven years' standing, unfitted them. They complained that this part of their reward had been industriously and artfully stigmatized in many states with the name of pension, although it was as reasonable that those who had lent their blood and services to the public should receive an annuity thereon, as those who had lent their money; and that the officers, whom new arrangements had, from time to time, excluded, actually labored under the opprobrium of pensioners, with the additional mortification of not receiving a shilling of the emoluments. They referred, however, to their memorial to show that they were authorized and ready to commute their half-pay for any equivalent and less exceptionable provision.

After the departure of the deputies, the grand committee appointed a sub-committee, consisting of Mr. Hamilton, Mr. Madison, and Mr. Rutledge, to report arrangements, in concert with the superintendent of finance, for their consideration.

TUESDAY, January 14.

Congress adjourned for the meeting of the grand committee, to whom was referred the report concerning the valuation of the lands, and who accordingly met. The committee were, in general, strongly impressed with the extreme difficulty and inequality, if not impracticability, of fulfilling the article of the Confederation relative to this point; Mr. Rutledge, however, excepted, who, although he did not think the rule so good a one as a census of inhabitants, thought it less impracticable than the other members. And if the valuation of land had not been prescribed by the Federal Articles, the committee would certainly have preferred some other rule of appointment, particularly that of numbers, under certain qualifications as to slaves. As the Federal Constitution, however, left no option, and a few only were disposed to recommend to the states an alteration of it, it was necessary to proceed,

*Mr. Hamilton was most strenuous on this point. Mr. Wilson also favored the idea; Mr. Madison also, but restrained, in some measure, by the declared sense of Virginia; Mr. Gorham, and several others, also, but wishing previous experience.

first, to settle its meaning; secondly, to settle the least objectionable mode of valuation. On the first point it was doubted, by several members, whether the returns which the report under consideration required from the states would not be final, and whether the Articles of Confederation would allow Congress to alter them after they had fixed on this mode; on this point, no vote was taken. A second question, afterwards raised in the course of the discussion, was, how far the articles required a specific valuation, and how far it gave a latitude as to the mode; on this point, also, there was a diversity of opinions, but no vote taken.

Secondly, as to the mode itself, referred to the grand committee, it was strongly objected to by the delegate from Connecticut, Mr. Dyer, by Mr. Hamilton, by Mr. Wilson, by Mr. Carroll, and by Mr. Madison, as leaving the states too much to the bias of interest, as well as too uncertain and tedious in the execution. In favor of the report was Mr. Rutledge, the father of it, who thought the honor of the states, and their mutual confidence, a sufficient security against frauds and the suspicion of them. Mr. Gorham favored the report also, as the least impracticable mode, and as it was necessary to attempt at least some compliance with the federal rule before any attempt could be properly made to vary it. An opinion entertained by Massachusetts, that she was comparatively in advance to the United States, made her anxious for a speedy settlement of the mode by which a final apportionment of the common burden could be effected. The sentiments of the other members of the committee were not expressed.

Mr. HAMILTON proposed, in lieu of a reference of the valuation to the states, to class the lands throughout the United States under distinctive descriptions, viz., arable, pasture, wood, &c., and to annex a uniform rate to the several classes, according to their different comparative value, calling on the states only for a return of the quantities and descriptions. This mode would have been acceptable to the more compact and populous states, but was totally inadmissible to the Southern States.

Mr. WILSON proposed, that returns of the quantity of land and of the number of inhabitants in the respective states should be obtained, and a rule deduced from the combination of these data. This also would have affected the states in a similar manner with the proposition of Mr. Hamilton. On the part of the Southern States it was observed, that, besides its being at variance with the text of the Confederation, it would work great injustice, as would every mode which admitted the quantity of lands within the states into the measure of their comparative wealth and abilities.

Lastly, it was proposed by Mr. MADISON, that a valuation should be attempted by Congress without the intervention of the states. He observed, that, as the expense attending the operation would come ultimately from the same pockets, it was not very material whether it was borne in the first instance by Congress or the states, and it at least deserved consideration whether this mode was not preferable to the proposed reference to the states.

The conversation ended in the appointment of a sub-committee, consisting of Mr. Madison, Mr. Carroll and Mr. Wilson, who were desired to consider the several modes proposed, to confer with the superintendent of finance, and make such report to the grand committee as they should judge fit.

WEDNESDAY, January 15.

A letter dated the 19th of December, from General Greene, was received, notifying the evacuation of Charleston. It was, in the first place, referred to the secretary of Congress for publication; excepting the passage which recited the exchange of prisoners, which, being contrary to the resolution of the 16th of October against partial exchanges, was deemed improper for publication. It was in the next place referred to a committee, in order that some complimentary report might be made in favor of General Greene and the southern army. Dr. RAMSAY, having come in after this reference, and being uninformed of it, moved that a committee might be appointed to devise a proper mode of expressing to General Greene the high sense entertained by Congress of his merits and services. In support of his motion, he went into lavish praises of General Greene, and threw out the idea of making him a lieutenant-general. His motion being opposed as somewhat singular and unnecessary, after the reference to General Greene's letter, he withdrew it.

A letter was received from General Washington, enclosing a certificate from Mr. Chittenden, of Vermont, acknowledging the receipt of the communication which 3

"OL. V.

5

General Washington had sent him of the proceedings of Congress on the 5th of December.

THURSDAY, January 16.

Mr. RUTLEDGE informed Congress, that there was reason to apprehend that the train of negotiation in Europe had been so misrepresented in the state of South Carolina, as to make it probable that an attempt might be made in the legislature to repeal the confiscation laws of that state; and even if such attempt should fail, the misrepresentations could not fail to injure the sale of property confiscated in that state. In order, therefore, to frustrate these misrepresentations, he moved that the delegates of South Carolina might be furnished with an extract from the letter of the 14th of October, from Dr. Franklin, so far as it informed Congress "that something had been mentioned to the American plenipotentiaries relative to the refugees and to English debts, but not insisted on; it being answered, on their part, that this was a matter belonging to the individual states, and on which Congress could enter into no stipulations." The motion was seconded by Mr. GERVAIS, and supported by Mr. RAMSAY. It was opposed by Mr. ELLSWORTH and Mr. WOLCOTÍ as improper, since a communication of this intelligence might encourage the states to extend confiscations to British debts, a circumstance which would be dishonorable to the United States, and might embarrass a treaty of peace. Mr. FITZSIMMONS expressed the same apprehensions; so did Mr. GORHAM. His colleague, Mr. OSGOOD, was in favor of the motion. By Mr. MADISON the motion was so enlarged and varied as "to leave all the delegates at liberty to communicate the extract to their constituents, in such form and under such cautions as they should judge prudent." The motion, so varied, was adopted by Mr. Rutledge, and substituted in place of the original one. It was, however, still opposed by the opponents of the original motion. Mr. Madison observed that, as all the states had espoused, in some degree, the doctrine of confiscations, and as some of them had given instructions to their delegates on the subject, it was the duty of Congress, without inquiring into the expediency of confiscations, to prevent, as far as they could, any measures which might impede that object in negotiations for peace, by inducing an opinion that the United States were not firm with respect to it; that in this view it was of consequence to prevent the repeal, and even the attempt of a repeal, of the confiscation law of one of the states; and that if a confidential communication of the extract in question would answer such a purpose, it was improper for Congress to oppose it. On a question, the motion was negatived, Congress being much divided thereon. Several of those who were in the negative were willing that the delegates of South Carolina should be licensed to transmit to their state what related to the refugees, omitting what related to British debts, and invited Mr. Rutledge to renew his motion in that qualified form. Others suggested the propriety of his contradicting the misrepresentations in general, without referring to any official information received by Congress. Mr. Rutledge said he would think further on the subject, and desired that it might lie over.

FRIDAY, January 17.

The committee on the motion of Mr. Peters, of the 13th instant, relative to a further application for foreign loans, reported that they had conferred with the superintendent of finance, and concurred in opinion with him, that the applications already on foot were as great as could be made prudently, until proper funds should be established. The latent view of this report was to strengthen the argument in favor of such funds, and the report, it was agreed, should lie on the table, to be con. sidered along with the report which might be made on the memorial from the army, and which would involve the same subject.9

The report thanking General Greene for his services was agreed to without opposition or observation. Several, however, thought it badly composed, and that some notice ought to have been taken of Major Burnet, aid to General Greene, who was the bearer of the letter announcing the evacuation of Charleston.

Mr. Webster and Mr. Judd, agents for the deranged officers of the Massachusetts and Connecticut lines, were heard by the grand committee in favor of their constituents. The sum of their representations was, that the said officers were equally distressed for, entitled to, and in expectation of, provision for fulfilling the rewards stipulated to them as officers retained in service.