Still another charter on the same subject we give from page 43 of the same book:

13. "The King, et cetera, to all his Bailiffs and faithful subjects appointed throughout England, health in the Lord.—We command you that all merchants of Pictavia and Wascon and Perigord, coming into our land with their merchandise, and bringing with them letters from Martin Algais, our Seneschal of Wascon and Perigord, or letters-patent of brother P. de V'nolius, and both testifying that they and their merchandise were from the aforesaid lands, then you may permit them freely, and without impediment, to go and return to our land, and there to negotiate, by doing it according to the custom of England. Attested by Earl Geoffrey Fitz-Peter, at Winton, on the 19th day of June, (A.D. 1204.)" Again :

14. "The King, et cetera, to all, et cetera.—We command you to give credit to those things which our dearly-beloved son Geoffrey and Sanaricus de Maloleon and Martin Algais, our Seneschal of Wascon, by the counsel of the head [man,] and upright men of Rochelle, or of the aforesaid Geoffrey and Sanaricus, by the counsel of the aforesaid head man, and upright men of Rochelle, where Master Martin will not be able to be present, they may have told you, on our part, for your honour and convenience and ours; and we have held firmly to you that which the said three, or two of them, to wit, Geoffrey and Sanaricus, by the aforesaid counsel of the chief man and upright men of Rochelle, where the aforesaid Martin Algais may not be able to be present, they will take counsel with you on coming to, and standing by, our service. Attested by myself at Windsor, on the 26th day of April, (A.D. 1205.)"

Further, we give another charter from the same page, 53 b, and regarding the same parties :—

15. "The King, et cetera, to all advisers and friends of Reymund de Planewes, et cetera.-Know ye that from the time when the brother of Reymund de Planewes and his first-born son, or his second-born son if the first-born has not lived, shall have come

with letters testimonial of Sanaricus de Maloleon and Martin Algais, our Seneschal of Wascon, [Gascogne,] that they may remain as hostages for the said Reymund, we will liberate the body of the said Reymund. And if, in the meantime, the lot of humanity should fall to the said Reymund, we will grant that the aforesaid brother and his son may return in safety to their own country. I myself attesting, at Windsor, on the 30th day of April, (A.D. 1205.)"

Such is the documentary evidence extant in the Public Records on King John's conduct with respect to these two Bragançons. Comment were sheer waste. The remainder of the charge rests upon one unknown Chronicler entirely-one Albericus, a monk. Roger Hoveden, the most trustworthy of the class, was dead before those Portuguese appeared upon the stage. Roger de Wendover, the next in succession, makes no allusion to them. His copyist and embellisher, Matthew of Westminster, never alludes to them, neither does Henry Knyghton, a still later Chronicler. The whole charge of taste for low company rests upon an unknown writer, "Albericus, the monk of the Three Fountains," and this man introduced by Mr Thomas Duffus Hardy, F.S.A., of the Inner Temple, a writer and publisher under the Record Commission. We will quote him :

"KING JOHN'S FRIENDS AND ADVISERS.

"On the subject of King John's associates and intimates, history creates the impression that his court was chiefly composed of such nobles, ecclesiastics, and other influential persons, whose interests were identified with his own. It was not, however, from amongst these that he selected his confidential friends and advisers, but from mercenaries, with whom he is said to have been surrounded; and it is stated that he retained about his court, and kept in pay, reputed bravoes, and others of like infamy. That John was not particular in his choice of such characters as public functionaries, or for private intimacy, is apparent from the dignities and other

rewards which he lavished on two notorious individuals of that period, Lupescaire and Martin Algais, mercenaries of Bragançon, both of whom are stigmatised for their baseness by the historians of that day. In the absence of all evidence in support of their having merited such munificent remuneration, by honourable service to the crown, it is not unreasonable to suppose that they received these extravagant rewards chiefly from having administered to the King's vices."

So much for the writer on the Patent Rolls of the Tower of London, Mr Thomas Duffus Hardy, F.S.A. Mr Hardy charges King John with retaining about his court, and keeping in pay, "reputed bravoes, and others of like infamy," and this on the authority of Roger Hoveden. Roger Hoveden, the chaplain of Henry II., and truthful historian, died A.D. 1202; and Martin Algais and Lupescaire were acting their part in Normandy and elsewhere in the years 1203-5, and perhaps even 1206. It is a pity that any one connected with the Record Commission should lend himself to any party purpose. The conduct is altogether unworthy alike of Mr Hardy and of the Record Commission. Simple remembrance of dates demonstrates that the quotations from Roger Hoveden, as made by Mr Hardy, are miserable aftermonkish interpolations. Roger Hoveden is similarly alleged on every period and incident of John's chequered life-falsely alleged, seeing the worthy monk

"Was gone to dust,

His soul with God, I trust,"

at the time he is said to write disparagingly of John. We daresay sufficient has been adduced to dispose of our King's alleged "low company;" and so we proceed in our Vindication.

CHAPTER XXIII.

WALLET OF HISTORICAL MEMORABILIA.

HAVING vindicated King John from the several charges with which mendacious monks and credulous modern historians, (socalled,) have traduced his illustrious memory-resting our disproof not on opinions or rhetoric, but on extant and irrefragable evidence, stored up in the Tower Records, and other of our national MSS., we propose in this concluding chapter to bring together a great mass of incidental materials that have necessarily accumulated in the progress of our researches. These give most interesting and important confirmation to our estimate of the actual King John, as distinguished from the phantasm who for seven centuries has usurped his name. They reveal, as we have often had occasion to observe, a marvellous ubiquity of personal oversight, a self-consuming application to duty, a rare nicety of accuracy in pecuniary transactions, down to the smallest details, a generous carefulness in recompensing merit, a resolute adhesion to right, and above all, a masterly prescience of character and of issues. These venerable documents will also be found to present a singularly rich contribution to the illustration of national manners, customs, habits, and gradual progress.

With these remarks, we proceed to translate our 'Records.'

On the 14th of October, A.D. 1200, the King himself writes from Esseleg, or Ashley, in Hampshire, to the Mayor of Winton; and on the 24th of the same month he writes to the " Præpositus," constable or reeve of the manor,—on the venison being sent from

Winton to Marlborough. Whether the mayor of Winton were a merchant tailor or not, we cannot decide; but we should suppose that he was, and that he made clothes for the King, and perhaps his court, when they were staying at Marlborough Castle-one of the King's favourite residences. John's employing a Wilton tailor, and writing to the man,—the mayor of the town himself,—about these clothes, and no measurements being given in the letter, but merely the class of clothes required, we must naturally suppose that the tailor had his measure, and the measure also of his son Walter.

In his letter to the Mayor of Winton, John requests the bearer of the note to be supplied with one cassock of green, with rabbit fur; one pellice of rabbit skins, and one cape of russet woollen cloth, with lamb fur; and two robes of russet, with a riding-coat of lamb skins; and thirty yards of linen cloth; and three pairs of hose; and two pairs of mailed-hose for foot-soldiers-for our son Walter, (who was he?) " and the cost of these articles shall be reckoned to you at the Exchequer. Teste meipso, ap. Esseleg, xiiij die October, (A.D. 1200.)" 1

N.B.-The two pairs of mailed hose, for foot-soldiers, for our son Walter, household captain, must have been made to measure, which shews that the Mayor of Winton was tailor for Captain Walter of Marlborough Castle as well as for the King.

We find, on the 26th day of October, A.D. 1200, that King John was at Melkesham writing to the Constable of Winton for a hundred pounds' weight of wax for the Queen, then staying at her castle of Marlborough,-the bill for this wax to be made out and taken to the Exchequer, where it would be paid; "teste meipso,” -as was the case in hundreds of cases-being the signature.2

On the 12th of October of the above year, the King himself writes to William de Saint Michael, commanding him to make for the King's dearly-beloved Norman four cups with covers to them,

1 Rotuli de Liberate, p. 2.

2 Ibid., 2 Johann., p. 8.