slavery question than Douglas, who by this time had become particularly obnoxious to the Southern Democracy, because Douglas, who found himself cheated by the South in the nomination he had expected, desired now to make favor with the North by adhering to the doctrine of "non-intervention," or hands off, which constituted the main feature of the Nebraska Bill, on the ground that it would pay to the North, while the South now sternly repudiated this doctrine, which at first constituted with them the chief and almost only recommendation for the passage of the bill, because they found it would not pay to the South. THE CONSPIRACY DEVELOPED. Yet no sooner was this "safer and sounder man"—in the language of the Jew-nominated, than the tocsin of war was sounded. The platform on which he was presented to the country, together with all that he had said as quoted above, was not only ignored, but resolutely and perseveringly denied; and it was every where proclaimed that his election would inevitably inaugurate a war against the institutions of the South, until thousands and tens of thousands of well-meaning and patriotic men were led to believe that their welfare, safety, and honor all depended upon the destruction of such a government as the world will never perhaps look upon again. In the mean time four at least of the Democratic Cabinet of Mr. Buchanan were lending every energy toward the overthrow of the government they were sworn to support, while he was too Democratic, if not too treacherous to resist. Up to this time the highest aspirations of the leaders had been to break up the Union and establish a Southern Confederacy; to this they hoped at a future day to annex Cuba and a considerable portion of Mexico, under which the pow er of the Democracy would remain undisturbed. But when they found nearly the whole power of the government enlisted in behalf of the contemplated rebellion, when they found the heads of so many of the departments, embracing the Secretaries of the Treasury, War, Navy, and Interior, viz., Messrs. Howell Cobb, John B. Floyd, Isaac M. Toucey, and Jacob Thompson, all lending an active co-operation to their treasonable purposes, and the President himself, either from imbecility, cowardice, or want of patriotism, if not decidedly encouraging the movement, at least indisposed to take any steps to check its progress, then “vaulting ambition o'erleaped itself," and, with treason doubly damned, they struck for nothing less than the absolute control of the entire country, and consequent seizure of the Capitol at Washington, which has already been explained in the preceding pages of this outline of traitors; but the day of retribution will assuredly arrive, and the poisoned chalice will be returned to their own lips. Oh ! "Is there not some chosen curse, Some hidden thunder in the stores of Heaven, Who owes his greatness to his country's ruin ?” During the canvass the public mind was filled with the most frightful apprehensions, from the studied misrepresentations of the press and public speakers. Yet the Union spirit of this state remained firm and unshaken, and Virginia was carried by a plurality vote for the man who stood upon the platform of "the Union, the Constitution, and the Enforcement of the Laws.” THE ELECTION OF LINCOLN. Lincoln was elected by a plurality vote only, falling very far short of a majority. South Carolina went into ecstasies over the event; the city of Charleston was illuminated, bonfires blazed in every direction; the pretext was offered, the time for open rebellion had at last arrived; a convention was called, and an ordinance of secession was passed. The property of the United States of every description was seized, consisting of arsenals, arms, ammunition, revenue cutters, mints, custom-houses, post-offices, with all their contents; in short, whatever of government property they could reach was appropriated. After a severe struggle, and a great deal of chicanery and false play, the Gulf or Cotton States followed suit to South Carolina, while it is extremely doubtful whether there was not a clear majority in every state, possibly with the exception of South Carolina, against disunion, if a full, fair, and free vote could have been taken; but every where the more desperate, the reckless, the idle, the thoughtless, the depraved, and the youthful portions of the community, who had every thing to gain and nothing to lose by commotion, as they imagined, were easily enlisted in such a cause, while by coarse denunciation and threats of violence the sounder and more respectable portions of society were deterred from an honest expression of opinion. During the administration of Mr. Buchanan, who had at length been stirred up by General Scott to a sense of duty to the country, and long before Lincoln was inaugurated, the steamer "Star of the West," sailing under the United States flag, with re-enforcements for Fort Sumter, was fired upon as she attempted to enter into the harbor of Charleston, and was forced to put back, she being an unarmed commercial steamer, selected specially that no suspicion might attach to the object of her entrance, and that no of fense might be given to this rebellious state, which was a great and inexcusable error: re-enforcements should have been sent openly, and with a force that would have landed there in spite of all opposition. Shortly after South Carolina had assumed her position of hostility to the government, Governor Letcher issued hist proclamation calling the Legislature together in extraordinary session, which was composed of a body of men that had been elected nearly two years before, and did not, therefore, come fresh from the people, and consisted of a large majority of Breckinridge men, or of the disunion party. They made hot haste, without consulting the people, and without the slightest authority to call a convention, for the invariable habit heretofore in Virginia had been first to submit to the people whether they would have a convention or not, which was determined by the vote for or against it. But no such course was pursued here; all precedent was set aside, and the convention called. The people acquiesced in what they seemed to think they had no power to control; but still the state held fast to her moorings, and elected something more than two thirds professed Union men. But even then, distrustful either of their wisdom or virtue, they voted by an overwhelming majority that nothing they might do should have a binding operation until it was submitted to them for ratification or rejection. 66 While this Convention was in session, various pretended efforts were made to gull the people with the belief that they sought for compromise and peace, but could not obtain it. I say pretended efforts, because, I repeat, the Democracy never intended to accept any compromise that did not secure to them the power of the government. This is a broad and bold assertion, and ought to be established by proof. Well, here it is: 1st. A Peace Congress had been proposed to be held in Washington, to come, if possible, to some terms of understanding; five gentlemen were appointed as delegates from this state, to wit, Messrs. William C. Rives, James A. Seddon, George W. Summers, John Tyler, and John W. Brockenbrough. The Congress met; certain terms of arrangement were agreed upon, which were satisfactory to a majority of those delegates or commissioners, to wit, Mr. Rives, Mr. Summers, and Judge Brockenbrough, one a Whig, one a Democrat, and the third supposed to stand in about as close proximity to the one party as to the other; but they did not prove satisfactory to Messrs. Tyler and Seddon, of the secession party, nor did they prove acceptable to any one secessionist in the Convention, as far as I have ever learned; and it surely may be supposed that any proposi-tion that could have been acceptable to all others than the secessionists would have been far better than a resort to civil war, even if they had not gotten all they had asked for. But as very few of the Southern people have had the opportunity of knowing what terms were offered by this Peace Congress, I incorporate them here, as indispensable to a correct understanding of this question. "ARTICLE 13, Section 1. In all the present territory of the United States north of the parallel of 36° 30′ of north latitude, involuntary servitude, except on punishment of crime, is prohibited. In all the present territory south of that line, the status of persons held to involuntary service or labor as it now exists shall not be changed; nor shall any law be passed by Congress or the Territorial Legisla |