sary, the House, if they finally determined the present establishment to be insufficient, would perhaps do better to appropriate a certain sum of money, to enable the Executive to call in such additional aid as circumstances may require.

To this it was objected, that it is the duty of the Representatives of the People, in all appropriations of the public money, to make them for certain specific purposes. To act otherwise on the present occasion would be setting a precedent that might, in its consequences, prove highly injurious; for, although the greatest confidence may safely be reposed in the virtue and integrity of him who now fills the Presidential Chair, it is impossible to foresee what use may hereafter be made of the precedent by his successors, or how far it may be carried.

Against the motion for striking out, and in favor of the proposed augmentation of the military establishment, it was urged: That, as to the justice of the war carried on against the Indian tribes, that was a question which could not admit of a doubt in the mind of any man who would allow that self-preservation and indispensable necessity are sufficient causes to justify à nation in taking up arms. If the present war be not in every respect justifiable, then there never was, nor ever will be, a just war. It was originally undertaken, and since carried on, not for the sake of conquest, but to defend our fellow-citizens, our friends, our dearest connexions, who are daily exposed, in the frontier settlements, to all the rage of savage barbarity, to which they, with their wives and children, must soon fall victims, unless we speedily fly to their assistance; and, although there are some people who utterly deny the justice of any war whatever, this doctrine, however fine in theory, will hardly ever obtain in practice; for, is it to be imagined, that any set of men are of such a passive disposition as calmly to look on whilst their friends and relations are butchered before their eyes, and to refuse giving them every assistance in their power?

[JANUARY, 1792.

man who spoke did not recollect above one or two] of their making unjust attacks upon the savages; nor did they, on those occasions, commence hostilities against them till exasperated by the strongest provocations that could possibly stimulate the human heart. This circumstance may be justly allowed as some palliation of the offence. Even in these instances, however, a few individuals only were concerned; and, when the affair came to the knowledge of the State, ample reparation was made to the injured party. The General Government, too, had shown an equal disposition to do justice to the Indian tribes. Witness the affair of the Cherokees; for, as soon as Congress had heard their complaints of an encroachment made on them by some of the people from the frontier of the Carolinas, immediate orders were issued for obliging the intruders to evacuate the Indian territory.

But, notwithstanding the disposition that prevails, as well in the Legislatures of those States whose frontiers are most exposed, as in the General Government, to cultivate peace and amity with the neighboring Indians, that desirable object is become utterly unattainable in the present posture of affairs. The frontier Indians have killed a number of whites; the whites, in their turn, have made retaliation. Both parties are in the highest degree exasperated against each other, and likely to continue so, in spite of every endeavor that can be made to effect a reconciliation. With minds thus irritated, it is vain to hope for peace, as long as they continue in each other's neighborhood. It is therefore necessary to form a strong barrier, to keep them asunder, unless, indeed, the advocates for a cessation of hostilities would oblige the frontier settlers to abandon their lands. But by what new-invented rule of right should the inhabitants of Kentucky, and the other frontier settlers, be laid under a greater obligation than any other citizens of the United States to relinquish a property legally acquired by fair purchase? Were it even proposed to pacify the savages, by purchasThe murders and depredations which have for ing the lands anew, such a measure would anyears past been repeatedly committed by the sa- swer no other purpose than that of procuring a vages, loudly call for redress. From various docu- temporary peace, which would soon again be inments of unquestionable authority, now in the terrupted by a war that would reproduce the nehands of the Secretary of War, signed and attest-cessity of again having recourse to the same exed by the Executive and Legislature of Kentucky, pedient. We should have to purchase the lands by the District Judge, and the Captains of the mi-again and again, without end. By thus squanderlitia, it appears, that, from the year 1783 to 1790, there have been, of the inhabitants of that District, or of emigrants on their way thither, no less than fifteen hundred persons either massacred by the savages, or dragged into captivity, two thousand horses taken away, and other property plundered or destroyed to the amount of fifty thousand dol-norable peace. lars. And there is good reason to suppose that on the other frontiers of Virginia and Pennsylvania the number of persons murdered or taken prisoners during the above mentioned period would furnish a list of one thousand or fifteen hundred

more.

The white people, it is true, have sometimes committed depredations on the Indians; but the instances have been rare [the honorable gentle

ing the public money, year after year, we should swell the national debt to an amount that we cannot possibly foresee. Better at once to make a vigorous effort, to act in a manner becoming the national dignity, and to maintain our ground by war, since we cannot obtain a durable or an ho

Attempts have, at various times, been made to effect treaties of peace with the Indian tribes with whom we are now at war; and, although these efforts have constantly proved ineffectual, they yet show that, neither the United States nor the State of Virginia were backward on their part to adopt conciliatory measures, and to do away that animosity which had commenced on the part of the savages at an early period of the late war with

JANUARY, 1792.]

Protection of the Frontier.

[H. or R.

Great Britain, and had continued to break out at be adduced against it-opinions, given by men of intervals ever since. In the years, 1783, '84, '85, judgment and experience, who have themselves '87, '88, and '90, offers of peace were made to been on the spot, and are well acquainted with them. On the last mentioned occasion, when a the situation of affairs in that quarter. These treaty was proposed at the Miami village, the In- gentlemen, who must be allowed to be competent dians at first refused to treat. They next required judges, are decidedly of opinion that the present thirty days to deliberate; and, in the interim, the establishment, though completed to the last man, inhabitants of Kentucky were expressly prohibited will not furnish an adequate force to carry on the by the President of the United States from carry-war with effect; and that it will be a hopeless ating on any offensive operations against them; yet, tempt to open another campaign, with a less than notwithstanding this forbearance on the part of about five thousand regular troops, the number the whites, no less than one hundred and twenty contemplated in the bill. persons were killed or captured by the savages, Nor ought that number to be deemed extravaand several prisoners roasted alive, during that gant, under an idea that we have only a contemptshort period, at the expiration of which, the In-ible handful of banditti to contend with. Their dians refused to give any answer at all. numbers were, last year, from authentic docuOn another occasion, the Indians, not contentments, stated at about twelve hundred warriors, with rejecting our offers of peace, proceeded even from twenty-three different tribes; such was the so far as to insult us, by telling us we have lands opposition then contemplated: but it is impossible within the British posts, and asking us why we to ascertain what accessions of strength they have did not go and take possession of them? Will it since received, or even what force they had enbe said that we are unable to do it? Is this lan-gaged in the late unfortunate action, as the very guage to be used within the United States? No! men who were in the engagement do not pretend We are able, abundantly able to do it, whenever to form any just or accurate estimate of the numwe please; and if we would but retrench our ex-ber of their assailants; but there is good reason penses in some instances, which might well ad- to suppose that they had previously entered into mit of a reduction, our ability would still increase; an association with various tribes, that have not our finances are not quite so insufficient as some as yet come within our knowledge. The bows gentlemen seem to imagine, nor so easily de- and arrows used against our troops on that occaranged. We are still able to prove that the boast-sion, afford a convincing proof that they had foes ed efficiency of the General Government is something more than an empty name-we can yet raise both men and money sufficient to defend the nation from either injury or insult.

It is now too late to inquire whether the war was originally undertaken on the principles of justice or not. We are actually involved in it, and cannot recede, without exposing numbers of innocent persons to be butchered by the enemy; for, though we should determine to discontinue the war, can it be said that the savages will also agree to a cessation of hostilities? It is well known that they are averse to peace; and even the warmest advocate of pacific measures must therefore allow that the war is a war of necessity, and must be supported. We cannot, without impeachment both to our justice and our humanity, abandon our fellow-citizens on the frontier to the rage of their savage enemies. And although the excise may be somewhat unpopular, although money may still be wanted; what is the excise? what is money, when put in competition with the lives of our friends and brethren?

A sufficient force must be raised for their defence; and the only question now to be considered is, what that force shall be? Experience has proved, that the force employed in the last campaign was inadequate. It is true the establishment was not complete; but who will venture to assert that, if it had been complete, it would have been sufficient for the intended purpose? Are gentlemen who assert this so well acquainted with the circumstances of the enemy, as to be able to give an accurate statement of the amount of their forces on the frontier? There are stronger opinions in favor of an augmentation of the army than can

to encounter from distant nations, as yet unacquainted with the use of fire-arms. Nor does the account of the bows and arrows depend, for its authenticity, on newspaper evidence alone; gentlemen of unquestionable veracity, who were personally engaged in the action, have declared that they had themselves noticed the arrows flying.

When we consider the warlike disposition of the Indians in general, and the alacrity with which the victors are ever sure to be joined by numerous allies, we have every reason to expect a much more formidable opposition in the next campaign. It is well known that the savages place all their glory in deeds of war; and that, among them, a young man cannot make his appearance in company till he has signalized his valor by some martial achievement. When, to this powerful incentive, a new stimulus is added by the trophies obtained in the late action, it is presumable that numbers will crowd to their standard; and it strongly behooves us to prepare in time for a much more vigorous effort than any we have yet made against them.

The objections drawn from the increased expense, must entirely vanish from before the eyes of any man who looks forward to the consequences of one more unsuccessful campaign. Such a disaster would eventually involve the nation in much greater expense than that which is now made the ground of opposition. Better, therefore, at once to make a vigorous and effectual exertion to bring the matter to a final issue, than to continue gradually draining the Treasury, by dragging on the war, and renewing hostilities from year to year.

If we wish to bring the war to a speedy and a happy conclusion, and to secure a permanent peace

H. OF R.]

Protection of the Frontier.

[JANUARY, 1792.

to the inhabitants on the frontier, we must employ such troops and adopt such measures as appear best calculated to insure success. If we delay our determination until the force of the enemy be ascertained, we can make no provision at all; for the nature and circumstances of the case preclude us from the very possibility of obtaining a know-pendence can therefore be placed on militia under ledge of their strength and numbers. And are we, meanwhile, to remain inactive and irresolute, and make no efforts to repel their intended attacks? No! Whatever their numbers may be, prudence calls aloud for provision of some kind. And if experience is to have any weight with us, the example of the French and of the British points out the true mode of securing our frontier, and rendering it invulnerable to an Indian foe. Let us occupy posts in the vicinity of the enemy, let them be properly garrisoned and well provided, and the business is done.

These will afford an opportunity of trading with the friendly tribes, and will prevent all intercourse between the whites and the Indians, except under proper regulations. Should hostilities be meditated by any tribes who are not in amity with us, early intelligence of their movements can be obtained; their marauding parties may either be beaten off on their approach, or intercepted on their return; opportunities may be taken of separately attacking the hostile tribes; their old men, their squaws, their children, will be exposed a great part of the year, whilst the others are out hunting. In short, if fear, hope, interest, can be supposed to have any influence on the Indians, this mode of defence must be allowed to be preferable to any other, as giving the fullest scope to the operation of all those motives.

of the proper description: if large pay be offered, the temptation will equally prevail upon those who are unfit for the service as it will upon good, effective men; besides, some of the States have no militia laws; and, even in those States which have such laws, they are gone into disuse; no deany laws now existing. There is, indeed, a general militia law now before the House; but if it ever passes, it certainly cannot be passed in due season to answer the purpose of providing for the immediate defence of the frontier. Regular troops must be raised, or nothing effectual can be done; and if to avoid the expense we refuse the only aid that may prove of any real service, we render ourselves responsible for the consequences of this parsimonious policy, which may be attended with the ruin and destruction of our fellow-citizens in the Western country.

The Cornplanter's speech was again mentioned and called for; but, as it had been confidentially communicated by the President, an objection was made to having it read without clearing the galleries. Whereupon,

An honorable member arose, and mentioned his having read it in one of the public newspapers in the State of New Jersey.

To this it was answered, that if any gentleman had the newspaper to produce, the speech might be publicly read from that; otherwise, although it might be very proper that the speech itself should be read, yet, as it had been confidentially received from the Executive, there would be a manifest trespass on propriety and decorum in having it read with open galleries; it was therefore wished that the galleries might be cleared.

The Parliamentary etiquette requiring that this should be done by the House, and not by a committee, the committee rose for the purpose; and,

side of the question, whilst the galleries had been open, it was unfair to preclude those of opposite sentiments from an opportunity of answering their arguments in the same public manner, and proving to the people the justice and necessity of the war.

The motion, however, was persisted in, and the galleries were cleared.

A different mode has long been pursued in Virginia, and adopted by the inhabitants of Kentucky, but its success has not been such as to offer any inducement to the General Governmet to fol- The Speaker having resumed the Chair, the low the same plan. Rangers have there been em- motion for clearing the galleries was renewed. ployed for a number of years to scour the fron- An objection was here started by an honorable tiers; and those rangers, too, were expert woods- gentleman in favor of the augmentation, who said men, perfectly inured to the Indian mode of war-that, as some gentlemen had spoken on the popular fare; yet, notwithstanding their utmost vigilance, the savages still found means to commit all the murders and depredations already enumerated. It is true, however, that a frontier militia man, trained up in the woods, may be, in many respects, preferable to a regular soldier, who has not the same knowledge of the country, and of the mode of fighting; but with equal experience, (and proper men, possessed of that experience, may be enlisted on the establishment) regular troops will be found infinitely superior to any militia upon earth. Every man who has ever seen militia in the field, cannot but know that a very trifling disaster, or a slight cause of discontent, is sufficient to make them disband and forget all subordination, so far as even to neglect the means of self-defence; whereas regular troops, under proper discipline, and acting with greater steadiness and concert, are much more to be depended on, especially when the object of attack is distant, and great fatigue is to be undergone. The militia, in whatever mode hey may be called out, will hardly furnish men

[The speakers in this day's debate were Messrs. WAYNE, GOODHUE, BOUDINOT, LIVERMORE, STEELE, PARKER, BOURNE, (Rhode Island,) WHITE, and MOORE. Mr. WHITE and Mr. MOORE opposed the motion; they were in favor of the augmentation proposed in the bill. The other gentlemen were in favor of striking out the clause.]

FRIDAY, January 27.

The Speaker laid before the House a Letter from the Treasurer of the United States, covering his account of indents of interest received and issued between the first of October, and the thirty

first of December, one thousand seven hundred and ninety-one, inclusive; which were read, and ordered to lie on the table.

PROTECTION OF THE FRONTIERS. The House again resolved itself into a Committee of the Whole House on the bill for making further and more effectual provision for the protection of the frontiers of the United States.

[H. OF R.

did it authorize an extensive increase of the Sink ing Fund, which we are informed is one of the principal objects? It would be an affront to common sense to answer one of these queries in the affirmative-it authorized none of them. And yet these are all its offspring; these are the great objects it produced. It is true there are in the bill two or three little clauses that were authorized, and which relate to the submission, and which might well have escaped my attention, and would probably never attract the observation of the pubMr. Chairman: I originally opposed the refer- lic, but for the title-a bill for the protection of the ence of this subject to the Secretary of the Trea- frontiers. By these clauses five hundred and sury, on principles supported by the Constitution, twenty-three thousand dollars of the whole moby the theory of free Government, and from prac-neys to be forever raised from its perpetual revetical observation on the progress of our own, and I believe the result now before us will fully exemplify every evil predicted.

Mr. MERCER rose and addressed the Chair as follows:

nue, are appropriated for this year's campaign. After that sum is expended, we must, even the next year, look out for new taxes, and upon the same principles, as long as the Indian war continues (and by the enlistments it is not contemplated to be of very short duration) new taxes must be provided, for the residue of these taxes are by this bill appropriated to other purposes, for ever, after five hundred and twenty-three thousand dollars are paid. This appropriation is unalterable even by the whole Legislature, unless by a breach of public faith, or providing other equal revenue. Should every year's Indian war, and every national disaster excuse Government for laying a perpetual tax, equal to the increased annual demand, it will be selling us defeats at a very high price; and if Government are paid so well, they may be tempted to repeat the tragical representation.

Let any man examine this bill, and compare it with the terms of the original reference. Let it then be asked, whether the submission to devise ways and means to provide for the defence of the Western frontier, authorized the plans proposed by the Treasury Department, that we are now giving sanction to? Did it authorize a perpetual tax, irrepealable by the whole Legislature, without a breach of faith, according to received doctrine? At least, so far placing the purse-strings in the hands of the Executive, who may refuse an assent to the repeal; in the power of the Senate also, and consequently beyond the reach of the Representatives of the people, who alone are deputized by, and may be recalled by the great mass of society, and to whom the Constitution expressly confines But what is the reflection that naturally arises the power of originating money bills. Have we, from a contemplation of this bill. That Adminisin truth, originated this money bill? Do we ever tration will not even permit us to defend the originate any money bill? If a reference, such helpless women and children of the frontier from as made to the Secretary, was proposed to the the brutal ferocity of a savage foe, but on condition Senate, who are a branch of the Legislature, near- that the Representatives surrender up forever the ly of equal importance with ourselves, would it sacred trust of the Constitution, and place in the not be held a breach of the Constitution? Were power and under the control of the Executive and they to propose such a plan as this to us, would it Senate, a perpetual tax. Unless they throw the not be received with indignation? Why so little power of regulating the labor and industry of their jealousy of the Executive Department, separated fellow-citizens into the hands of Government, and by the Constitution with so much care from us? into a mean dependence on Administration; and Of the Treasury Department, too, which is con- unless they furnish a large sum of money, under sidered in other countries as possessing and exer- the denomination of a Sinking Fund, for the purcising the means of corruption? It is in my judg-poses of speculation, in order to raise and lower the ment a direct infraction of the letter and spirit of price of stocks at pleasure, or as may suit the views the Constitution, of the principles of free Govern- and interest of the band of favorites that are in the ment, and I have heard no attempt to defend it, secret. but on the ground of pitiful evasion, more dishonorable to ourselves and dangerous to the public, than an open violation, that would rouse their resentment and insure opposition.

Hard and oppressive conditions! Was this the object of the reference to the Secretary? It was not the avowed one, nor could it have been suspected, from a simple proposition to devise ways But did the submission of a provision to defend and means to defend the frontier. A mighty fabric the frontier authorize a system for the encourage- has been erected on this slight foundation, to hurry ment of manufactures? Thereby placing the occu- us into its adoption. We have been officially, I suppations and productive labor of our citizens under pose, informed that the money for the War Dethe direction of Government, and rendering the liv-partment is almost expended; that the preparations ing of the artist and subsistence of the farmer, so far for the Western expedition must stop, unless we equally dependent on and subservient to the views pass the bill immediately; and thus, with the tomof Administration? Did it authorize an entire pro- ahawk suspended over our heads, we must give up vision for the public debt, past, present, and to come? to Administration the dearest interests of the peoDid it authorize a plan for supplying former de-ple, and sacrifice the most sacred rights of the ficiencies, which it is admitted do not exist? Lastly, Constitution.

H. or R.]

F

Protection of the Frontier.

[JANUARY, 1792.

If anything can equal the boldness of this mea- that for Government to attempt to divert its courses, sure, it is its injustice. I have long remarked in as it can only be done by the obstructing in one this House, that the Executive, or rather the Trea- part and opening in another, is not only impolitic sury Department, was really the efficient Legisla- and imprudent, but unjustifiable and tyrannical; ture of the country, so far as relates to the revenue, yet even such encouragement, if proper, should which is the vital principle of Government. The certainly not be permanent. A manufacture that clause of the Constitution confining to the imme- will not, after a sufficient stimulus, support itself, diate Representatives of the people, in this House, ought not to be encouraged. When it no longer the origination of money bills, is converted into needs aid, the tax ought to be withdrawn; but as a Committeeship of Sanction, that never withholds there is no limitation proposed, as the law is perits assent; a convenient cloak to divert the blame petual, a repeal at any time would be construed of odious measures from the real authors. We into a breach of faith, by those who embarked cahave heard of corrupt majorities in British Par-pitals on the proffered encouragement. But we liaments. I will not suppose an improper motive should recollect, that this not only operates unein any member of this body, but I am free to sayqually in the same States, between the farmer and that we appear better trained than any House of mechanic-the staple States are unequally repreCommons I have yet read of; for if a Minister, sented in this Government-that we are differently, with them, was to attempt to supply all the ordi- therefore, interested with respect to manufactures; naries and extraordinaries of Government by per- that these bounties are in fact paid from the stapetual taxes, I am persuaded he would risk his ples of the Southern States, by producing retalihead. The Representatives of the British nation, ating regulations in their only markets abroad, the immediate agents of the people, dare not vote and raising the price of what the planters must away the rights of their principals and the power buy at home. In fine, such precipitate measures of their successors. They preserve the purse-strings seemed calculated to sow discontent, in order to in their own hands, by laying taxes for the support reap confusion, and out of confusion it is said orof Government from year to year; they know no der arises; that is, it gives countenance to the abuse permanent taxes, except those pledged for certain and desertion of all free Governments, and the indebts-and even those the whole nation now ex- troduction of despotism in its stead. With respect claims against, as the mortal poison of the Consti- to stability in commercial regulations as necessatution-and the settlement for the support of the ry to mercantile calculations--if duties have a Crown, given in exchange for the feudal and con- certain limit, calculations may as well be made on stitutional rights relinquished by the King. that limitation as on permanency; but surely these arguments have been advanced by the advocates of the bill with one eye shut. They have not even squinted at that part of this same bill which limits the continuation of the increased duties on three-fourths of the articles of importation to a short period; their hearers are to be compelled to forget all the arguments on the first part before they are allowed to consider the second.

As to the other purposes and former deficiencies, they were never suggested until some excuse was to be invented; and in this case it seems also unfortunate that this very bill, in one of the latter clauses, states that there is an actual surplus of revenues of one hundred and fifty thousand dol

When this tax-law made its first appearance from the Treasury Department, petitions against it from the great commercial capitals of America, convenient to us, were presented. The petitioners represented the impositions on commerce as already oppressive and intolerable. Their particular Representatives seemed to sympathize at first with these sentiments. I hope it was not intended to enhance this measure as a boon, in order to demand some greater sacrifice as an equivalent. But certainly when these objections were admitted to be valid, and a proposal was made to render the evils temporary, by limiting the bill to a short period, and in order that it might be commensurate with the original purpose, the Indian war-the encour-lars: surely, in such arguments, there is no regard agement of manufactures, stability in commercial to decency preserved; but, in every view, to lay arrangements, a variety of new purposes for money, permanent taxes, without appropriating them to former deficiencies, and a Sinking Fund, were then specified purposes, is unsafe and unconstitutional. vaunted forth as the objects of the measure. These As to a Sinking Fund, it is a pretext that will not were certainly never the objects of the reference, bear inspection. If it was really meant to disand show, at one view, how iniquitous and dan-charge the principal of the debt, why not early gerous it is to blend temporary objects with perma- present a plan as an independent object of delibenent regulations, and connect necessary and indis-ration? It is certainly of sufficient magnitude. Why pensable provisions with measures of doubtful, if not unjust policy.

Independent of the constitutional question of the right of Congress, why should we be compelled to consider the extensive range and delicate refinement of encouraging manufactures by extensive duties operating as indirect bounties, under the pressure of providing for an Indian war? Putting out of view the general and irrefragable principle, that industry will almost always select the most beneficial channels for its streams to flow in, and

wait until the Indian war was on the tapis? But perpetual taxes are not necessary for a Sinking Fund. Perpetual taxes were never excused upon any other principle but the providing a certain interest to give currency to a fictitious capital. That is not the case with respect to a Sinking Fund; that should be provided and increased as circumstances will permit, from year to year; our successors should be left as free in this respect as we are. Besides, a perpetual tax for a Sinking Fund is an absurdity in language. It is true, where we