the peasant question by obligatory redemption, a publication of the budget, liberty of the press, and a national meeting, at Moscow, of representatives of every class to discuss needful reforms. At Tver the nobility were far more radical, declaring their willingness to renounce all privileges as nobles, to be blended with the people and pay taxes with it, and calling for a national assembly. And measures were taken so that all this should be brought distinctly before the serfs by the committees appointed by Government to settle questions between proprietors and peasants, that the latter might learn that the nobility were not their enemies. For, in truth, the nobility have suffered as much as the serfs from arbitrary abuses of power, the want of good laws, bureaucratic autocracy, and insecurity of property, and, now that serfdom is destroyed, they find it to be their interest to urge liberal reforms as rapidly as possible. To all of these addresses "Government" replied harshly; while thirteen of those most implicated at Tver were imprisoned. Yet at the head of the Government were the emancipating Emperor, and the Archduke Constantine, whose particular circle aim at vigorous measures of immediate reform. Need this puzzle any American who has closely followed the history of our own war and seen, within two years, stern and severe punishment of the advocates of measures which have since been adopted as national policy? Does not the American public of the free States contain a mass of declared conservatism, precisely corresponding, in its way, to the oppressive Russian bureaucracy and circumlocution-office-dom, and which not long ago threatened to wrest power from the administration by main force, reduce the army and navy to nothing, and re-establish serfdom? In Russia, three hundred nobles proposed to construct a new and more vigorous respectability, while sixty-two preferred to furbish up the old one. Could the same proportion, voting on the same subject, be obtained among the same number of our own "aristocracy"? It In Russia the most incongruous and leviathan-like objects are surging and madly beating about in the great sea of reform, illumined only by the first red rays of a coming day. With us the sun is somewhat higher, and it shines upon a sea of blood; but each in his own country feels that out of the tohu-bohuthe void and confusion-will result order, and a fair world. is not difficult for any intelligent journalist who will gather up, from the most widely differing accounts of Russia, facts as to her present condition, to see that the great realm has a mighty future. Amid groans and trials, corruption and misery, he will find a wonderful degree of hope, and an incredible array of daring sacrifices and splendid martyrdoms. The Czar, the nobility, the young officers, the students, Herzen with his Kolokol in London, and the exile in Siberia,-even the reactionary aristocracy,-are all working to one end. The iron cruelties of Nicholas did good work in reducing corruption; for if he sometimes, struck down the innocent, he was certainly more frequently terrible to the guilty. As for Poland, it is almost needless to say that the progress of reform will bring to that unhappy land happier days. If it still suffers under the peine forte et dure, it shares it with millions of Russians, and with not a few Americans who in Southern prisons and on the battle-field are bearing all to the death, and worse than death, for liberty. Every obstacle only renders triumph at last more glorious for the truth. Meanwhile, let us constantly bear in mind these great affinities, and remember our western coast and the eastern shore of Russia, between which rolls that Pacific which is destined, in the great saying of Herzen, to become "the Mediterranean of the future." The destiny of that ocean is to be shared entirely between Russia and America. When it shall be whitened with the fleets of our two countries, the balance of the world's power will not be maintained between the petty Powers of Europe on one side, but between the two giant Powers of redeemed Russia and free America on the other. And both will then be free, and the words of Napoleon will be fulfilled, though not as he meant them, when he said that a time would come when Europe would be either republican or Cossack; for had he seen with the eyes of some, he might have surmised that the ruling power might be both republican and Cossack. Let me in this connection repeat the remarkable words of the German Heine, who, with the strange prescience of a poet, wrote as follows, more than thirty years ago:— "If any one compares England and Russia with a view to freedom, no doubt remains as to which is the right side to choose. Freedom has sprung in England from historical events, from privileges; in Russia, from principles. The results of these events, like the events themselves, bear the stamp of the Middle Ages; all England is congealed in mediæval, never-to-be-rejuvenated institutions, behind which her aristocracy is intrenched, awaiting the deathstruggle. But those principles from which Russian freedom sprung, or-to speak more correctly-from which Russian freedom is daily developing itself, are the liberal ideas of our most recent times; the Russian Government is penetrated through and through with these ideas, and its unlimited absolutism is rather a dictatorship by which those ideas will be brought directly to life." We have been taught from childhood to regard England as the great head of morality, industry, and wisdom: yet simple facts and figures show that, with all her morality, she has more thieves and members of the dangerous classes, in proportion to her population, than any other civilized country. With all her industry, she has the most paupers; and, with all her wisdom, she has not been able to benefit the majority in proportion to the advance of wealth among the few. Of Russia we have heard nothing but evil: her government has always been described as the most infamous in existence, and its policy simply a despotism tempered by assassination. Yet facts show us that against a thousand obstacles she has resolutely advanced,—often through blood, often through horrors which seemed inspired by the worst inhumanity, yet always with settled determination towards the pure democracy which seeks the greatest good for the greatest number. Had it not been for the principle or theory of progress to which Russia has adhered with such astonishing iron will, she would long ago have shared the fate of all other sheer despotisms, and have dwindled away in corruption, as every selfish despotism always must, especially in these later ages. But since Peter the Great, and apparently even from an earlier date, her sovereigns have adhered to the general principle of benefiting the whole empire, instead of merely furbishing up and arranging fragments from its part; and so it has come to pass that through much apparent inconsistency it is really one great civilizing empire, and not a wilderness of murdering Tartars and savage heathen. Our own country, like Russia and unlike England, was founded on a principle and an abstract theory as laid down in the Constitution, a document diametrically opposed in every respect to English "experience;" and the result has been a nation living and dying in the glorious enthusiasm of those who have a faith,—a faith in doing all things for the poor and oppressed; yea, in suffering even to the last hour for the children of affliction. For this is the noblest chivalry and purest Christianity, to love our neighbor as ourself, and to know that all whom we can aid are our neighbors. Doing this, we are, in spirit and in truth, of those "Whom earth of her heroic race hath sent THE CHASE. LISTLESSLY our vessel rocks on the ocean, with nothing to break the monotony of the off-shore blockade but the tedious routine of ship's duties and exercises, which, coming as regularly as the day itself, themselves become monotonous. Our steamer falling off from the wind, rolls with a gentle lullaby motion to the regular sea; the officers of the watch pace the deck, looking to the end of their time of duty; the crew lie idly around the deck, and the look-outs from the crows'-nests at each mast-head continue to strain their eyes to catch sight of the sail which, if made a prize, will, according to the rule of our captain, put twenty-five dollars into the pocket of the fortunate man who first makes her. Suddenly the cry of "Sail ho! black smoke to the eastward!" changes the aspect of every thing on board. All is now life and animation: the order is given to chase, the engines started, and the ship put on her course. While the captain makes his inquiries of the look-outs and directs the chase, our staunch chief engineer, with coat off, takes his place in the fire-room, urges on his subordinates, and raises the steam to the highest point the dilapidated boilers will bear, coming occasionally on deck, covered with smoke and dust, to inquire the position of the chase. Windsails are got up, and every means used to ventilate and render less oppressive the severe work in the fire-room and coal-bunkers. The crew of their own accord relieve and work with the coal-heavers. Wood is passed to the fire-room, and every means used for raising the steam as quickly as possible. The order is given "Down yards and topmasts," and but a few minutes elapse ere nothing but the lower masts are standing above the deck. The steam is up, and the chief engineer reports that the boilers will bear no more; but with this light pressure the staunch Santiago, like a sound-winded, long-limbed race-horse, stretches to her work at a steady pace that neither sea nor wind disturbs. We gain on the chase; and now she is plainly visible from deck, crowding all steam, and, from the appearance of her smoke, burning our property, the pitch, &c. of her cargo. The officers are collected on the wheel-houses, watching every motion of the chase, our invaluable master reporting her every change of course to the captain, who has taken his station in the wheel-house, where he can best guide the chase and profit by every advantage which a seaman knows how to take. The crew are collected forward, in high glee, laughing, joking, and already estimating the value of the prize. We gain but slowly, and the day is waning. It is now a question whether we can come up with her before dark, and if not, if we can keep sight of her long, low, lead-colored hull after night has set in; if not, it becomes a matter of wits; but we have full confidence in the judgment and action of our cool Yankee captain. But we gain more rapidly: the pitch he has used has clogged his fires; a blank cartridge is fired, and our colors hoisted. The crew of the forward rifle jump to their gun, knowing the rule of giving them five minutes to stop after firing the blank cartridge ere a shot follows it. The five minutes are up, and the rifle, already trained and elevated to its greatest extent, sends its iron messenger directly towards the chase. The distance is too great: it falls short; but still it has its effect, as it is well known to those who chase that as soon as shots are fired, if there is any liquor on board the chase it is circulated freely, and then good-bye to all regularity in the fireWe gain rapidly, each shot falling nearer and nearer, the last so uncomfortably near that she hoists her colors (English), rounds to, and blows off steam. Our engines are room. VOL. I.-17 stopped, boats sent on board, the vessel's papers, &c. taken to the captain for examination, a prize crew placed in her and her officers and crew removed, the orders and necessary papers given to the prize-master, and our capture bears away for a Northern port, while we rest from our work and excitement, satisfied in having inflicted a serious injury on the rebels and their abettors, and in adding to the funds of government and our own a quarter of a million of dollars. ELIGIBILITY OF MEDICAL OFFICERS OF THE ARMY AS MEMBERS OF CERTAIN COURTS-MARTIAL. THE almost universal practice, confirmed by the direct teachings of the books, has been to hold medical officers disqualified from sitting as members of any court-martial. This paper is designed as an inquiry into the justice and expediency of the rule. De Hart gives an able argument in support of it, and Benét, though less elaborate in the discussion, is equally decided in the opinion expressed. Both of these, our best American writers on military law and the legal customs of the camp, rely greatly upon the opinion of Attorney-General Berrien, of 6th of November, 1829, when the question was raised concerning the constitution of a naval court, and Benét considers this to have "set at rest," in our service, the point now mooted. Mr. Berrien is of opinion that, as the representative and successor of the Court of Chivalry, combatants alone should compose this tribunal. He does not appear to recognize any change in the constitution of society, and particularly of military society. An equal argument would keep in force the sumptuary laws of the Henrys; and a similar one would debar religious instruction by others than the apostolic line or in the vulgar tongue. Would it stand as an objection against the construction of an iron-plated vessel that an ancient catapult afforded no force worthy such extraordinary resisting power? Should it hold valid to exclude medical officers from certain courts because their professional ancestors were not the equals of knights-errant, or medieval armies had no recognized and official position for their medical attendants? Mr. Berrien urges, however, argumentatively, that technical military knowledge is necessary in all cases, and implies the proper delicacy and acuteness of martial perception is wanting in those "who have no rank, either real or assimilated," and that they should, accordingly, be excluded. Avoiding the broader field that invites debate, and without |