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and perhaps other Navajos on the Hopi side of the partition, the question must be re-opened.

There are no definitive answers to the question in the meager information collected from the residents of the Big Mountain area thus far, but there are some scattered references concerning the relationship of occupancy to sacred places that are suggestive.

The majority of the sacred places elicited in the study area are water sources, usually springs. Also, water and rain are frequently mentioned in the comments of peopie interviewed at these and other sites, and in people's prepared statements. Water for human consumption, livestock and crops is a critical resource subject to fluctuation in this area, as it is elsewhere in the Southwest. We do not have any figures for this population, but for the former Joint Use Area as a whole in 1977, livestock income alone accounted for over one-quarter of the total aggregate income of a probability sample of 146 households (Wood, Vannette, and Andrews 1978). A significant part of this income was from livestock sales in the reduction program associated with Public Law 93-531, but there is some evidence that prior to reduction there was a comparable income figure for livestock, with home consumption accounting for a large share. Few economic questions were asked of the people in the study area, but it is our impression that subsistence is still, or was before the current stock reduction, a major factor in the local economy, especially for persons over 30 or 40 years old. Thus, the relationship of water to land use is, we think, still important. There is some suggestion that social organization is a crucial

part of this relationship in the Big Mountain

bout one-half of

the persons interviewed comprise a set of close relatives, in a biological

23

sense as well as the social sense of being members of the same clan.
These people apparently have ancestral claims to the use of the land
at the southern end and the eastern margin of Big Mountain, and the
lands on the flats west toward Moenkopi Wash. Several members of what.

seems to be a similar kin-territorial unit who occupy lands to the
north were also interviewed.

There were a few others interviewed whose

relationships to these people were not ascertained. The lists of

sacred places elicited are remarkably consistent within but quite

different between these two "groups", with the exception of Big Mountain

:

itself, which is consistently identified as important.

Prevalent themes in the interviews that concern land use are: the Navajos have been in the area since the Emergence; the land and waters were used by their grandparents and parents who taught them their use; and their grandparents and parents are buried in the area. For these reasons, and others, they do not want to leave. The ancestors of members of these two groups (and probably others) established the present use-rights to grazing area, farm plots (?), and water sources, as well as the pattern of land use. The differences in the lists of water sources, then, are explicable in terms of the history of use-rights. These links among water, land, and social organization are well-known to students of Navajo culture; however, the mesh of the use of the land with sacred places has not been addressed to our knowledge. Our inferences about the nature of the relationships here should be understood as only tentative speculations.

The relationship among occupancy, land use, and, sacred places at the local level may be seen in several ways. E

-At sacred

places may define traditional land use boundaries for the kic-territorial

EVALUATION OF SIGNIFICANCE

25

On the basis of the data that we have examined and reported herein, we think that it is likely that there is substantial significance to

be found in the relationship among sacred places, land use, and occupancy in the Big Mountain area. The reasons for this conclusion are summarized as responses to the indicators of significance developed earlier.

·

Is there a symbiotic relationship among land, religion, and
people that represents an important attachment to the land,
and are there sacred places in use today that symbolize this
relationship?

Navajo religious philosophy has as its core the belief that the universe is orderly, all-inclusive, and a unity of interrelated elements. Man's relations with these elements is governed by the principle of reciprocity. The intended or unintended disruption of this harmony results in illness. To obviate this condition and to insure well-being, prayers and chants are offered to the supernatural powers immanent in nature. These powers are interrelated and together for the whole. Animals and plants have the capacity of assuming human form and mountains are said to have anthropomorphic inner forms.

Sacred places tend to be: 1) mentioned in legends; 2) places where something supernatural has happened; 3) a site from which plants, herbs, minerals, and waters possessing healing powers may be taken; and where man communicates with the supernatural world by means of prayers and

Water sources, especially springs, comprise the majority of the sacred places in the study area. This water. Is unad för human and

livestock consumption. The relationship of water,

sacred places,

is important in subsistence land use, kin boundaries, and the relationships

between peoples. It may also be important with respect to other
sacred places. Our investigations suggest that particular places
tend to be associated with particular kin-territorial units. Big
Mountain as a sacred place tends to be the exception as its importance
is recognized across kin lines. Relations through time with ancestors
further reinforces the interrelations between religion and land as is
discussed below. The theme of a symbiotic relationship between water,
land, and social organization is well established in the literature.
This inquiry suggests that sacred places and the spiritual beliefs of
the people may be part of these dynamics.

Although there appear to be a number of sacred places that symbolize the relationships, we know most at this stage about Big Mountain.

Big Mountain is the home of Begochidi, a very important generative force in Navajo mythology.

Does the place play an important role in the origia myth of
the people?

To many people at Big Mountain, Big Mountain is the home of
Begochidi. We were not able to elicit legends and myths about
Begochidi from the residents, but a review of the literature of

creation and origin shows that Begochidi is mentioned frequently.

Can shrines or places of offering be moved or relocated?

The fact that legend, a supernatural occurrance, or communication

with supernatural beings is geographized in Navajo religion precludes

the relocation of sacred places. The best example of this is Big Mountain.

མ་

Has the area been used for a long time, continuously, and
frequently?

Several residents pointed out that

area since the Emergence. Our meager data suggest that ancestors

27

of some of the people currently were in the area in the 19th century,
possibly as early as 1820. Continuity and longevity seem indicated.
by statements made by informants. Whether or not the sacred places
have been in use for as long is difficult to say, but the fact that
current residents were taught how to pray and make offerings at the
sites by their grandparents suggests that a similar pattern of the
use of sacred places existed in the past.

Do people today feel as they have in the past toward the
sacred areas?

All of the respondents interviewed spoke strongly of their feelings for the area. The older persons seemed especially to identify with places having sacred ceaning. Soze concern was expressed that the young did not understand in the same way; however, no young people were interviewed.

Does the area symbolize unity and continuity of the pecpie? Land use areas and patterns of land use established through ancestors, association of particular places with particular kinterritorial units, and the fact that ancestors are buried in the area, all strongly reinforce unity.

Do ceremonies and rituals "bind" people to the specific locations? Reciprocity through their offerings and prayers and chants to the

Holy People tends to reinforce occupancy of the area. Not only is it important to offer these prayerf and chants, it is also important

to receive blessings.

Can the ceremonies and rituals be carried out elsewhere?

Not the ones that symbolize unity and continuity of the prople

in the area, obviously. It is possible that healing ceremonies might be held elsewhere, but the preferred place is at home.