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the three thousand thus employed, we have had more than two-thirds of the same, while we have but one-third of the white population of the Republic.

Again, look at another item, and one, be assured, in which we have a great and vital interest; it is that of revenue, or means of supporting government. From official documents, we learn that a fraction over three-fourths of the revenue collected for the support of the government has uniformly been raised from the North.

Pause now while you can, gentlemen, and contemplate carefully and candidly these important items. Look at another necessary branch of government, and learn from stern statistical facts how matters stand in that department. I mean the mail and post-office privileges that we now enjoy 15 under the general government as it has been for years past. The expense for the transportation of the mail in the free States was, by the report of the postmaster-general for the year 1860, a little over $13,000,000, while the income was $19,000,000. But in the slave-states the transportation of 20 the mail was $14,716,000, while the revenue from the same was $8,001,026, leaving a deficit of $6,704,974, to be supplied by the North, for our accommodation, and without it, we must have been entirely cut off from this most essential branch of government.

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Leaving out of view, for the present, the countless millions of dollars you must expend in a war with the North; with tens of thousands of your sons and brothers slain in battle, and offered up as sacrifices upon the altar of your ambition and for what, we ask again? Is it for the over30 throw of the American government, established by our common ancestry, cemented and built up by their sweat and blood, and founded on the broad principles of right, justice and humanity? And as such, I must declare here, as I have often done before, and which has been repeated by the 35 greatest and wisest of statesmen and patriots, in this and other lands, that it is the best and freest government — the

most equal in its rights, the most just in its decisions, the most lenient in its measures, and the most aspiring in its principles, to elevate the race of men, that the sun of heaven ever shone upon. Now, for you to attempt to overthrow such a government as this, under which we have lived for 5 more than three-quarters of a century- in which we have gained our wealth, our standing as a nation, our domestic safety, while the elements of peril are around us, with peace and tranquillity accompanied with unbounded prosperity and rights unassailed is the height of madness, folly, and 10 wickedness, to which I neither lend my sanction nor my

vote.

IV.

E. MAZZINI.

To the Young Men of Italy.

Delivered at Milan, July 25, 1848, at the request of the National Association, on the occasion of a solemn commemoration of the anniversary of the death of the brothers Bandiera and their fellow-martyrs.

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["Giuseppe Mazzini, lawyer, patriot, and revolutionist, was born at Genoa in 1805. In 1830 he was arrested by the authorities of Piedmont for conspiring against the government, but after an imprisonment 15 of six months was released for want of sufficient evidence to procure a conviction. He thereupon left Italy and resided successively in Marseilles, Paris, and London, whence he conducted agitations for the liberation of Italy. He founded about 1832 the secret revolutionary society of Young Italy,' whose object was the unification of Italy 20 under a republican government. He returned to Italy at the outbreak of the revolutionary movements of 1848, and in 1849 became a member of the triumvirate in the short-lived republic at Rome, being again driven into exile on the restoration of the papal government (1849). He played a subordinate part in the movement which resulted in the unifica- 25 tion of Italy under Victor Emmanuel in 1861, and, unwilling to take the oath of allegiance to a monarchy, remained abroad. He died in 1872.” Century Dictionary.

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Attilio and Emilio Bandiera, born at Venice in 1811 and 1819, were officers in the Austrian navy. They were, however, ardent patriots, and shared the longing of the party of Young Italy' to see Italy united, and free of foreign yoke, especially that of Austria. They made numer5 ous converts among the Italian crews in the fleet, and entered into correspondence with Mazzini. They planned to take possession of a frigate

in order to make a descent on Sicily, but, denounced to the Austrians, they were obliged to flee. Meeting again in Corfu, they learned of the vain attempts of the Calabrians to rise, and resolved to hasten to IO them in order to reanimate the insurrection. The chiefs of the revolutionary committees and even Mazzini dissuaded in vain. Like patriots of antiquity, the brothers deemed it necessary that they should be a great sacrifice in order that the masses should be roused from their torpor. On June twelfth, 1844, they set out in a barge with seventeen 15 companions. On the sixteenth they landed near Crotone, knelt on the Italian soil, and kissing it, cried: You gave us life, and we will give it you.' Led by a Calabrian, they threw themselves into the woods, and on the eighteenth arrived in the neighborhood of San Giovanni in Fiore. Betrayed by one of their number, a Corsican spy, they were un20 successfully attacked by seventeen of the urban guard. On the nineteenth, when attacked by a battalion of chasseurs and a number of the militia, they were overcome after heroic resistance. All were condemned to death, though only nine were executed. On the twentyfifth, the brothers, with seven companions, passed through weeping 25 crowds in the streets of Cosenza, singing: He who dies for his country, has lived well.' When the band arrived at the place of punishment, they embraced, exhorted the weeping soldiery, themselves gave the order to fire, and fell crying; 'Long live Italy!' The sacrifice of the brothers and their friends made a profound impression throughout 30 Europe, and from the moment of their death the direction of the national movement changed from the powerless initiative of secret societies to that of a roused public opinion. La Grande Encyclopédie.]

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When I was commissioned by you, young men, to proffer 35 in this temple a few words sacred to the memory of the brothers Bandiera and their fellow-martyrs at Cosenza, I thought that some of those who heard me might exclaim with noble indignation: "Wherefore lament over the dead? The martyrs of liberty are only worthily honored by winning 40 the battle they have begun; Cosenza, the land where they fell, is enslaved; Venice, the city of their birth, is begirt by

foreign foes. Let us emancipate them, and until that moment let no words pass our lips save words of war."

But another thought arose: "Why have we not conquered? Why is it that, while we are fighting for independence in the north of Italy, liberty is perishing in the, south? Why is it 5 that a war, which should have sprung to the Alps with the bound of a lion, has dragged itself along for four months, with the slow uncertain motion of the scorpion surrounded by a circle of fire? How has the rapid and powerful intuition of a people newly arisen to life been converted into the 10 weary, helpless effort of the sick man turning from side to side? Ah! had we all arisen in the sanctity of the idea for which our martyrs died; had the holy standard of their faith preceded our youth to battle; had we reached that unity of life which was in them so powerful, and made of our 15 every action a thought, and of our every thought an action; had we devoutly gathered up their last words in our hearts, and learned from them that liberty and independence are one; that God and the people, the fatherland and humanity, are the two inseparable terms of the device of every people 20 striving to become a nation; that Italy can have no true life till she be one, holy in the equality and love of all her children, great in the worship of eternal truth, and consecrated to a lofty mission, a moral priesthood among the peoples of Europe we should now have had, not war, but victory; 25 Cosenza would not be compelled to venerate the memory of her martyrs in secret, nor Venice be restrained from honoring them with a monument; and we, gathered here together, might gladly invoke their sacred names, without uncertainty as to our future destiny, or a cloud of sadness on our brows, 30 and say to those precursor souls: "Rejoice! for your spirit is incarnate in your brethren, and they are worthy of you."

The idea which they worshipped, young men, does not as yet shine forth in its full purity and integrity upon your ban- 35 ner. The sublime program which they, dying, bequeathed

to the rising Italian generation, is yours; but mutilated, broken up into fragments by the false doctrines, which, elsewhere overthrown, have taken refuge amongst us. I look around, and I see the struggles of desperate populations, an 5 alternation of generous rage and of unworthy repose; of shouts for freedom and of formulæ of servitude, throughout all parts of our peninsula; but the soul of the country, where is it? What unity is there in this unequal and manifold movement - where is the word that should dominate the 10 hundred diverse and opposing counsels which mislead or seduce the multitude? I hear phrases usurping the national omnipotence"the Italy of the north the league of the federative compacts between princes," but Italy, where is it? Where is the common country, the country which the Bandiera hailed as thrice initiatrix of a new era of European civilization?

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Intoxicated with our first victories, improvident for the future, we forgot the idea revealed by God to those who suffered; and God has punished our forgetfulness by defer20 ring our triumph. The Italian movement, my countrymen, is, by decree of Providence, that of Europe. We arise to give a pledge of moral progress to the European world. But neither political fictions, nor dynastic aggrandizements, nor theories of expediency, can transform or renovate the life of 25 the peoples. Humanity lives and moves through faith; great principles are the guiding stars that lead Europe towards the future. Let us turn to the graves of our martyrs, and ask inspiration of those who died for us all, and we shall find the secret of victory in the adoration of a faith. 30 The angel of martyrdom and the angel of victory are brothers; but the one looks up to heaven, and the other looks down to earth; and it is when, from epoch to epoch, their glances meet between earth and heaven, that creation is embellished with a new life, and a people arises from the 35 cradle or the tomb, evangelist or prophet.

I will sum up for you in a few words this faith of our

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