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I.

ABRAHAM LINCOLN.

Speech to 166th Ohio Regiment.

August 22, 1864.

[ "From all sides,' wrote, in August, 1864, Henry J. Raymond, Chairman of the National Executive Committee of the Republican party, 'I have but one report. The tide is setting strongly against us.' . . . For this melancholy condition he assigns two causes: the 5 want of military successes, and the belief that we are not to have peace in any event under this administration until slavery is abandoned. In some way or other the suspicion is widely diffused that we can have peace with union, if we would.' . . . The President might well have been thrown into inextricable confusion of mind, betwixt the assaults Io of avowed enemies, the denunciations and predictions of inimical friends, the foolish advice of genuine supporters. It is now plain that all the council which was given to him was bad, from whatsoever quarter it came. It shows the powerfulness of his nature that he retained his cool and accurate judgment, although the crisis was such that 15 even he also had to admit that the danger of defeat was imminent. . . As if all hurtful influences were to be concentrated against the President, it became necessary just at this inopportune time to make good the terrible waste in the armies caused by the expiration of terms of service and by the bloody campaigns of Grant and Sherman. Volun20 teering was substantially at an end, and a call for troops would have to be enforced by a draft. Inevitably this would stir afresh the hostility of those who dreaded that the conscription might sweep into military service themselves or those dear to them. It was Mr. Lincoln's duty, however, to make the demand, and to make it at once. He did so; 25 regardless of personal consequences, he called for 500,000 more men. Thus in July and August the surface was covered with straws and every one of them indicated a current setting strongly against Mr. Lincoln." Abraham Lincoln, John T. Morse, Jr. II, 274-275.

"Mr. Lincoln himself took little part in the contest. He was forced, 30 from time to time, to assist with his presence charitable demonstrations in favor of the sick and wounded soldiers; and being always obliged on these occasions to say a few words, he acquitted himself of these

necessary tasks with dignity and discretion. He made no personal reference to his opponents, and spoke of his enemies North and South with unfailing charity and moderation. Regiments of soldiers returning to their homes after their term of service was over sometimes called upon him, and in brief and pithy speeches he thanked them for calling, 5 and always added a word or two of wise or witty political thought. Abraham Lincoln, Nicolay & Hay, IX, 354-355.]

SOLDIERS: I suppose you are going home to see your families and friends. For the services you have done in this great struggle in which we are all engaged, I present 10 you sincere thanks for myself and the country.

yours.

I

I am a

I almost always feel inclined, when I happen to say anything to soldiers, to impress upon them, in a few brief remarks, the importance of success in this contest. It is not merely for to-day, but for all time to come, that we should 15 perpetuate for our children's children that great and free government which we have enjoyed all our lives. I beg you to remember this, not merely for my sake, but for happen, temporarily, to occupy the White House. living witness that any one of your children may look to 20 come here as my father's child has. It is in order that each one of you may have, through this free government which we have enjoyed, an open field and a fair chance for your industry, enterprise, and intelligence; that you may all have equal privileges in the race of life, with all its desirable 25 human aspirations. It is for this the struggle should be maintained, that we may not lose our birthright — not only for one, but for two or three years. The nation is worth fighting for, to secure such an inestimable jewel.

II.

JOHN BROWN.

Last Speech at Charlestown, West Va.

November 2, 1859.

[John Brown, after his capture during his foray on the armory at Harper's Ferry, in October, 1859, was taken to Charlestown, nearby, for trial. He was charged with conspiring with negroes to produce insurrection, with treason to the Commonwealth, and murder. During 5 the greater part of the trial, Brown lay on a cot-bed, weak, haggard, suffering from his wounds. "When the verdict was read, 'Guilty of treason, and of conspiracy and advising with slaves and others to rebel, and of murder in the first degree' - Brown said nothing, but as on any previous day turned to adjust his pallet, and then composedly stretched 10 himself upon it. A motion for an arrest of judgment was put in, but counsel on both sides being too much exhausted to go on, Brown was removed unsentenced to prison. . . . When brought into court, the day after his conviction, to receive his sentence, Brown was taken by surprise at being called on to say why sentence of death should not be 15 pronounced. He had expected some further delay, and was unprepared at the moment. He rose, however, and in a singularly mild and gentle manner made his famous plea." In a letter to a friend later he said: In the hurry of the moment I forgot much that I had before intended to say, and did not consider the full bearing of what I then said." Life 20 and Letters of John Brown, F. B. Sanborn, pp. 583-84.]

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I have, may it please the Court, a few words to say. In the first place, I deny everything but what I have all along admitted, of a design on my part to free the slaves. I intended certainly to have made a clean thing of that mat25 ter, as I did last winter when I went into Missouri, and there took slaves without the snapping of a gun on either side, moving them through the country, and finally leaving them in Canada. I designed to have done the same thing again on a larger scale. That was all I intended to do. I never did in30 tend murder or treason, or the destruction of property, or to excite or incite the slaves to rebellion, or to make insurrection.

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I have another objection: and that is that it is unjust that I should suffer such a penalty. Had I interfered in the manner which I admit, and which I admit has been fairly proved for I admire the truthfulness and candor of the greater portion of the witnesses who have testified in this had I so interfered in behalf of the rich, the powerful, the intelligent, the so-called great, or in behalf of any of their friends, either father, mother, brother, sister, wife or children, or any of that class, and suffered and sacrificed what I would have in this interference, it would have been 10 all right; and every man in this Court would have deemed it an act worthy of reward rather than punishment. This Court acknowledges, too, as I suppose, the validity of the law of God. I see a book kissed, which I suppose to be the Bible, or at least the New Testament, which teaches me 15 that all things whatsoever I would that men should do unto me, I should do even so unto them. It teaches me further to remember them that are in bonds as bound with them. I endeavored to act up to that instruction. I say I am yet too young to understand that God is any respecter of persons. 20 I believe that to have interfered as I have done, as I have always freely admitted I have done in behalf of His despised poor is no wrong, but right. Now, if it is deemed necessary that I should forfeit my life for the furtherance of the ends of justice, and mingle my blood further with the blood of my 25 children and with the blood of millions in this slave country whose rights are disregarded by wicked, cruel, and unjust enactments, I say let it be done. Let me say one word further. I feel entirely satisfied with the treatment I have received on my trial. Considering all the circumstances, it 30 has been more generous than I expected. But I feel no consciousness of guilt. I have stated from the first what was my intention, and what was not. I never had any design against the liberty of any person, nor any disposition to excite slaves to rebel or make any general insurrection. I 35 never encouraged any man to do so, but always discouraged

any idea of that kind. Let me say also in regard to the statements made by some of those who were connected with me, I fear it has been stated by some of them that I have induced them to join me, but the contrary is true. I do not 5 say this to injure them but as regretting their weakness. Not one but joined me of his own accord, and the greater part at their own expense. A number of them I never saw,

and never had a word of conversation with till the day they came to me, and that was for the purpose I have stated. 10 Now, I am done.

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