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d, on the other I am equally opposed to con- | people. I am free to say to you that my highest dation, or the centralization of power in the ambition was to please the people, for I believe ds of a few. Sir, all this has been extorted that when I pleased them, I was pretty nearly n me by the remarks you have offered, and right, and being in the right, I didn't care who have already remarked, I might have adopted assailed me. But I was going to say I have alr speech as my own. I have detained you ways advocated the principle, that government ger than I expected, but Governor Morton is was made for man-not man for goverment; even onsible for that. as the good Book says that the Sabbath was made for man-not man for the Sabbath.

scarcely know how to express my feeling in w of the kindness you have manifested this occasion. Perhaps I ought not to add it I am about to say, but human nature is han nature. Indiana first named me for the e Presidency, though it was unsolicited by Indeed, there is not a man can say that I r approached him on the subject. My eyes e turned to my own State. If I could restore , the measure of my ambition was complete. ank the State of Indiana for the confidence I regard she manifested toward me, which has alted in what is now before me, placing me in position I now occupy.

n conclusion, I will repeat that the vigor of youth has been spent in advocating those at principles at the foundation of our Governnt, and, therefore, I have been by many deanced as a demagogue, I striving to please the

So far as in me lies, those principles shall be carried out; and, in conclusion, I tender you my profound and sincere thanks for your respect and support in the performance of the arduous duties now devolving upon me.

To Virginia Refugees.

April 24, 1865—A large number of Southern refugees had an interview, Hon. John C. Underwood making an address; to which the President replied:

It is hardly necessary for me on this occasion nection with this nefarious rebellion beat in unito say that my sympathies and impulses in conthis bitter ordeal, and who participated in it to son with yours. Those who have passed through a great extent, are more competent, as I think, to judge and determine the true policy which should be pursued. [Applause.]

dows and orphans, who draped the streets of shville in mourning, should suffer for his great me. The work is in our own hands. We can stroy this rebellion. With Grant thundering the Potomac before Richmond, and Sherman d Thomas on their march toward Atlanta, the y will ere long be ours. Will any madly pert in rebellion? Suppose that an equal numr be slain in every battle, it is plain that the sult must be the utter extermination of the bels. Ah! these rebel leaders have a strong rsonal reason for holding out to save their cks from the halter; and these leaders must el the power of the Government! Treason st be made odious, and traitors must be puned and impoverished. Their great planta- I do not think you have been familiar with ons must be seized, and divided into small my course, if you who are from the South deem it rms, and sold to honest, industrious men. The necessary for me to make any professions as to y for protecting the lands and negroes of these the future on this occasion, or to express what thors of the rebellion is past. It is high time my course will be upon questions that may arise. was. I have been most deeply pained at some If my past life is no indication of what my ings which have come under my observation. future will be, my professions were both worthe get men in command who, under the influ-less and empty; and in returning you my since of flattery, fawning, and caressing, grant otection to the rich traitor, while the poor nion man stands out in the cold, often unable get a receipt or a voucher for his losses. As far as clemency and mercy are concerned, ries of That's so!" from all parts of the and the proper exercise of the pardoning power, owd.] The traitor can get lucrative contracts, I think I understand the nature and character hile the loyal man is pushed aside, unable to of the latter. In the exercise of clemency and tain a recognition of his just stripes and shoul- mercy, that pardoning power should be exerr-straps. I want them all to hear what I say. cised with caution. I do not give utterance to have been on a gridiron for two years at the my opinions on this point in any spirit of reght of these abuses. I blame not the Govern- venge or unkind feelings. Mercy and clemency ent for these things, which are the work of have been pretty large ingredients in my comeak or faithless subordinates. Wrongs will be pound. Having been the executive of a State, mmitted under every form of government and and thereby placed in a position in which it was very administration. For myself, I mean to necessary to exercise clemency and mercy, I have and by the Government till the flag of the been charged with going too far, being too leninion shall wave over every city, town, hill-ent; and I have become satisfied that mercy p, and cross-roads, in its full power and ma

I have but little to say on this question in response to what has been said. It enunciates and expresses my own feelings to the fullest extent, and in much better language than I can at the present moment summon to my aid.

The most that I can say is, that entering upon the duties that have devolved upon me under circumstances that are perilous and responsible, and being thrown into the position I now occupy unexpectedly, in consequence of the sad eventthe heinous assassination which has taken placein view of all that is before me, and the circumstances that surround me, I cannot but feel that your encouragement and kindness are peculiarly acceptable and appropriate.

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cere thanks for this encouragement and sympathy, I can only reiterate what I have said before, and, in part, what has just been read.

without justice is a crime, and that when mercy and clemency are exercised by the executive it

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vision be made by the laws of the State, then | lattoes, except the act to prevent their migratio the punishment for such offences shall be according to the course of common law; and in the case of any injury to the person or property, not prohibited by the common law, or for which the punishment shall not be appropriate, such sentence shall be imposed as, in the discretion of the court before which the trial is had, shall be deemed proper, subject to the approval of the general commanding.

XXI. All arrests for whatever cause will be reported tri-monthly, with the proceedings thereupon, through the prescribed channel, to the general commanding.

XXII. Commanding officers of districts, subdistricts, and posts, within their commands respectively, in the absence of the duly-appointed agent, will perform any duty appertaining to the ordinary agents of the Bureau of Refugees, Freedmen, and Abandoned Lands, carefully observing for their guidance all orders published by the commissioner or assistant commissioner, or other competent authority.

XXIII. District commanders will enforce

into the State, and the act prohibiting the sa
of fire-arms and ammunition to them, be, an
the same are hereby, repealed; and all the crim
nal laws of this State applicable to white pa
sons now in force, and not in conflict with, o
modified by, the legislation of the present sessio
of the General Assembly, shall be deemed an
held to apply equally to all the inhabitants
the same without distinction of color.
An act to Establish and Enforce the Marriag
Relation between Persons of Color, January 1
1866.

SEC. 1 requires all the colored inhabitant
claiming to be living together in the relation
husband and wife, and who have not been joine
as such agreeably to the laws, and who sha
mutually desire to continue in that relation
within nine months from the passage of this act
to appear
before some person legally authorize
larly joined in the holy bonds of matrimony.
to perform the marriage ceremony, and be regu

SEC. 2 provides that the issue of such prio cohabitation shall be legitimated by the acto and be thenceforth entitled to all the rights an marriage so regularly contracted as aforesaid privileges of a legitimate offspring.

these regulations by suitable instructions to sub-district and post commanders, taking care that justice be done, that fair dealing between man and man be observed, and that no unnecessary hardship, and no cruel or unusual punish-the time limited in the first section, all laws ap SEC. 5 provides that after the expiration 0 ments be imposed upon any one.

By command of D. E. ŠICKLES, Major Gen-between white persons shall deemed to apply

plicable to or regulating the marriage relation

éral.

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FLORIDA.

the same relation between the colored population

of the State.

An Act in Addition to An Act concerning Mar

riage Licenses, January 12, 1866. An Act to Establish and Organize a County SEC. 1 provides that if any white female res Criminal Court, January 11, 1866. ident shall hereafter attempt to intermarry, o SEC. 1 gives the court jurisdiction in cases of shall live in a state of adultery or fornication assault, assault and battery, assault with intent with any negro, mulatto, or other person o to kill, riot, affray, larceny, robbery, arson, burg-color, she shall be deemed to be guilty of a mis lary, malicious mischief, vagrancy, and all misdemeanors, and all offences against religion, chastity, morality, and decency: Provided, That the punishment of the same does not affect the life of the offender. The Governor to appoint the judge. In the proceedings, "no presentment, indictment, or written pleadings, shall be required." Where a fine is imposed, and not paid, the party may be put to such labor as the county commissione may direct, the compensation for which to go in payment of the fine and cost of prosecuon; or the said county commissioner may hire out, at public outcry, the said party to any person who will take him or her for the shortest time, and pay the fine, forfeiture, and penalty imposed, and cost of prosecution." An Act to Extend to all the Inhabitants of the State the Benefit of Courts of Justice, and the Processes thereof, January 11, 1866.

demeanor, and upon conviction shall be fine in a sum not exceeding one thousand dollars, o be confined in the public jail not exceeding three months, or both, at the discretion of th jury; and shall, moreover, be disqualified t testify as a witness against any white person. other person of color, shall hereafter live in SEC. 2 provides that if any negro, mulatto, state of adultery or fornication with any whit female resident within the limits of this State and upon conviction shall be fined in a su heshall be deemed to be guilty of a misdemeanor not exceeding one thousand dollars, or be mad to stand in the pillory for one hour and be whip ped not exceeding thirty-nine stripes, or both at the discretion of the jury.

SEC. 3 provides that every person who shal have one eighth or more of negro blood shall b deemed and held to be a person of color.

SEC. 4 provides that in existing cases, upo SEC. 1 provides that the judicial tribunals of petition to the circuit judge, parties comin this State, with the processes thereof, shall be within the provisions of this act and liable accessible to all the inhabitants of the State, be punished under the saine, may by order an without distinction of color, for the prosecution judgment of said judge be relieved from th and defence of all the rights of person and prop-penalties thereof, when in his opinion justic erty, subject only to the restrictions contained in and equity shall so require. the constitution of the State.

SEC. 2 provides that all laws heretofore passed, with reference to slaves, free negroes, and mu

SEC. 5 provides that in all cases where ma riages have heretofore been contracted an solemnized between white persons and persons

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color, and where the parties have continued to | term, on any farm or plantation in this State, if live as man and wife, the said marriages are he shall refuse or neglect to perform the stipuhereby legalized, and neither of the parties lations of his contract by wilful disobedience of shall be subject to the provisions of this or of orders, wanton impudence or disrespect to his any other act. employer, or his authorized agent, failure or An Act to Require the Children of Destitute Per-refusal to perform the work assigned to him, sons to Provide for the Support of said Persons, January 11, 1866.

SEC. 1 requires the children of natural parents who are unable to support themselves to make provision for their support. In case of neglect, and proof before a justice of the peace or judge, that officer shall make an order of assessment on the children for the necessary amount, which order shall carry with it the right of enforcement by execution, and shall have the force of a writ of garnishment on the wages of such children.

An Act to Punish Vagrants and Vagabonds, January 12, 1866.

SEC. 1. Defines as a vagrant "every able. bodied person why has no visible means of living and shall not be employed at some labor to support himself or herself, or shall be leading an idle, immoral, or profligate course of life;" and may be arrested by any justice of the peace or judge of the county criminal court and be bound in sufficient surety" for good behavior and future industry for one year. Upon refusing or failing to give such security, he or she may be committed for trial, and if convicted sentenced to labor or imprisonment not exceeding twelve months, by whipping not exceeding thirty-nine stripes, or being put in the pillory. If sentenced to labor, the "sheriff or other officer of said court shall hire out such person for the term to which he or she shall be sentenced, not

exceeding twelve months aforesaid, and the proceeds of such hiring shall be paid into the county treasury." All vagrants going armed may be disarmed by the sheriff, constable, or police officer.

An Act in Relation to Contracts of Persons of

Color, January 12, 1866.

SEC. 1 Provides that all contracts with persons of color shall be made in writing and fully explained to them before two credible witnesses, which contract shall be in duplicate, one copy to be retained by the employer and the other filed with some judicial officer of the State and county in which the parties may be residing at the date of the contract, with the affidavit of one or both witnesses, setting forth that the terms and effect of such contract were fully explained to the colored person, and that he, she, or they had voluntarily entered into and signed the contract and no contract shall be of any validity against any person of color unless so executed and filed: Provided, That contracts for service or labor may be made for less time than thirty days by parol.

SEC. 2 Provides, that whereas is is essential to the welfare and prosperity of the entire population of the State that the agricultural interest be sustained and placed upon a permanent basis, it is provided that when any person of color shall enter into a contract as aforesaid, to serve as a laborer for a year, or any other specified

idleness, or abandonment of the premises or the employment of the party with whom the contract was made, he or she shall be liable, upon the complaint of his employer or his agent, made under oath before any justice of the peace of the county, to be arrested and tried before the criminal court of the county, and upon conviction shall be subject to all the pains and penalties prescribed for the punishment of vagrancy: Provided, That it shall be optional with the employer to require that such laborer be remanded to his service, instead of being subjected to the punishment aforesaid: Provided, further, That if it shall on such trial appear that the complaint made is not well founded, the court shall dismiss such complaint, and give judgment in favor of such laborer against the due under the contract, and for such damages employer, for such sum as may appear to be as may be assessed by the jury. SEC. 3 provides that when any employé as aforesaid shall be in the house of any occupancy virtue of his contract to labor, and he shall be or room on the premises of the employer by adjudged to have violated his contract; or when any employé as aforesaid shall attempt to hold term of his contract, against the consent of the possession of such house or room beyond the employer, it shall be the duty of the judge of the criminal court, upon the application of the employer, and due proof made before him, to issue his writ to the sheriff of the court, commanding him forthwith to eject the said employé and to put the employer into full possession the premises: Provided, Three days' previous notice shall be given to the employé of the day

of trial.

SEC. 4 provides that if any person employing the services or labor of another, under contract entered into as aforesaid, shall violate his contract by refusing or neglecting to pay the stipulated wages or compensation agreed upon, or any part thereof, or by turning off the employé before the expiration of the term, unless for sufficient cause, or unless such right is reserved by the contract, the party so employed may make complaint thereof before the judge of the criminal court, who shall at an early day, on reasonable notice to the other party, cause the same to be tried by a jury summoned for the purpose, who, in addition to the amount that may be proved to be due under the contract, may give such damages as they in their discretion may deem to be right and proper, and the judgment thereon shall be a first lien on the crops of all kinds in the cultivation of which such labor may have been employed: Provided, That either party shall be entitled to an appeal to the circuit court, as in case of appeal from justices of the peace."

SEC. 5 provides that if any person shall entice, induce, or otherwise persuade any laborer or employé to quit the service of another to which he was bound by contract, before the expiration of the term of service stipulated in said contract,

should always be done in view of justice, and in | and comfort. With this definition it requirest that manner alone is properly exercised that great prerogative.

The time has come, as you who have had to drink this bitter cup are fully aware, when the American people should be made to understand the true nature of crime. Of crime, generally, our people have a high understanding, as well as of the necessity for its punishment; but in the catalogue of crimes there is one-and that the highest known to the law and the Constitutionof which, since the days of Jefferson and Aaron Burr, they have become oblivious; that is TREASON. Indeed, one who has become distinguished in treason and in this rebellion said, that "when traitors become numerous enough, treason becomes respectable," and to become a traitor was to constitute a portion of the aristocracy of the country.

exercise of no great acumen to ascertain w are traitors. It requires no great perception tell us who have levied war against the Unit States, nor does it require any great stretch reasoning to ascertain who has given aid to t enemies of the United States. And when t Government of the United States does ascerta who are the conscious and intelligent traito the penalty and the forfeit should be paid.

I know how to appreciate the_condition being driven from one's home. I can symp thize with him whose all has been taken fro him; with him who has been denied the pla that gave his children birth; but let us, with in the restoration of true government, proce temperately and dispassionately, and hope a pray that the time will come, as I believe, whe we all can return and remain at our homes, a

God protect the people against such an aris-treason and traitors be driven from our land tocracy.

Yes, the time has come when the people should be taught to understand the length and breath, the depth and height of treason. An individual occupying the highest position among us was lifted to that position by the free offering of the American people—the highest position on the habitable globe. This man we have seen, revered, and loved; one who, if he erred at all, erred ever on the side of clemency and mercy; that man we have seen treason strike through a fitting instrument; and we have beheld him fall like a bright star falling from its sphere.

[applause;] when again law and order sha reign, and the banner of our country be us furled over every inch of territory within th area of the United States.

In conclusion, let me thank you most pr foundly for this encouragement and manifest tion of your regard and respect, and assure ya that I can give no greater assurance regardin the settlement of this question than that I inten to discharge my duty, and in that way whic shall in the earliest possible hour bring bac peace to our distracted country, and hope the time is not far distant when our people can a

Interview with George L. Stearns. WASHINGTON, D. C., Oct. 3, 1865, 111⁄2, A.M I have just returned from an interview with President Johnson, in which he talked for an hour on the process of reconstruction of rebel States. His manner was as cordial, and hi conversation as free as in 1863, when I met him daily in Nashville.

His countenance is healthier, even more s than when I first knew him.

Now, there is none but would say, if the ques-return to their homes and firesides, and resum tion came up, what should be done with the in- their various avocations. dividual who assassinated the chief magistrate of a nation-he is but a man, one man after all; but if asked what should be done with the assassin, what should be the penalty, the forfeit exacted, I know what response dwells in every bosom. It is, that he should pay the forfeit with his life. And hence we see that these are times when mercy and clemency without justice become a crime. The one should temper the other and bring about the proper mean. And if we would say this when the case was the simple murder of one man by his fellow man, what should we say when asked what shall be done with him, or them, or those who have raised impious hands to take away the life of a nation composed of thirty millions of people? What would be the reply to that question? But while in mercy we remem ber justice, in the language that has been uttered, I say justice toward the leaders, the conscious leaders; but I also say amnesty, conciliation, clemency, and mercy to the thousands of our countrymen who you and I know have been deceived or driven into this infernal rebellion.

I remarked that the people of the North were anxious that the process of reconstruction should be thorough, and they wished to support him in the arduous work, but their ideas were confused by the conflicting reports constantly circulated, and especially by the present position of the Democratic party. It is industriously circulated in the Democratic clubs that he was going over to them. He laughingly replied,

Major, have you never known a man who for many years had differed from your views because you were in advance of him, claim them as his own when he came up to your standpoint?"

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And so I return to where I started from, and again repeat, that it is time our people were taught to know that treason is crime-not a I replied, "I have, often." He said, "So mere political difference, not a mere contest be- have I," and went on : The Democratic party tween two parties, in which one succeeded, and finds its old position untenable, and is coming the other has simply failed. They must know it to ours; if it has come up to our position, I am is treason, for if they had succeeded, the life of glad of it. You and I need no preparation for the nation would have been reft from it, the this conversation; we can talk freely on this Union would have been destroyed. subject, for the thoughts are familiar to us; we can be perfectly frank with each other." He then commenced with saying that the States are in the Union, which is whole and indivisible.

Surely the Constitution sufficiently defines treason. It consists in levying war against the United States, and in giving their enemies aid

Individuals tried to carry them out, but did | t succeed, as a man may try to cut his throat d be prevented by the bystanders; and you nnot say he cut his throat because he tried to it.

Individuals may commit treason and be puned, and a large number of individuals may nstitute a rebellion, and be punished as trairs. Some States tried to get out of the Union, d we opposed it honestly, because we believed to be wrong; and we have succeeded in putg down the rebellion. The power of those rsons who made the attempt has been crushed, nd now we want to reconstruct the State govnments, and have the power to do it. The ate institutions are prostrated, laid out on the ound and they must be taken up and adapted the progress of events; this cannot be done a moment. We are making very rapid progess-so rapid I sometimes cannot realize it. It ppears like a dream.

haps a property qualification for others, say $200 or $250.

It would not do to let the negro have universal suffrage now; it would breed a war of races. There was a time in the Southern States when the slaves of large owners looked down upon non-slaveowners because they did not own slaves; the larger the number of slaves the masters owned the prouder they were, and this has produced hostility between the mass of the whites and the negroes. The outrages are mostly from non-slaveholding whites against the negro, and from the negro upon the non-slaveholding whites.

The negro will vote with the late master, whom he does not hate, rather than with the nonslaveholding white, whom he does hate. Universal suffrage would create another war, not against us, but a war of races.

Another thing: This Government is the freest and best on earth, and I feel sure is destined to last; but to secure this we must elevate and purify the ballot. I for many years contended at the South that slavery was a political weakness; but others said it was political strength; they thought we gained three-fifths representation by it; I contended that we lost two-fifths.

We must not be in too much of a hurry; it better to let them reconstruct themselves than O force them to it; for if they go wrong the ower is in our hands, and we can check them any stage, to the end, and oblige them to orrect their errors; we must be patient with hem. I did not expect to keep out all who If we had no slaves we should have had twelve were excluded from the amnesty, or even a Representatives more, according to the then rarge number of them; but I intended they tio of representation. Congress apportions rephould sue for pardon, and so realize the enor-resentation by States, not districts, and the State ity of the crime they had committed. apportions by districts.

You could not have broached the subject of qual suffrage at the North seven years ago, nd we must remember that the changes of the outh have been more rapid, and they have een obliged to accept more unpalatable truth han the North has; we must give them time to igest a part, for we cannot expect such large ffairs will be comprehended and digested at nce. We must give them time to understand heir new position.

I have nothing to conceal in these matters, and have no desire or willingness to take indirect courses to obtain what we want.

Our Government is a grand and lofty strucCure; in searching for its foundation we find it ests on the broad basis of popular rights. The elective franchise is not a natural right, but a political right. I am opposed to giving the States too much power, and also to a great consolidation of power in the central government. If I interfered with the vote in the rebel States, to dictate that no negro shall vote, I might do the same for my own purposes in Pennsylvania. Our only safety lies in allowing each State to control the right of voting by its own laws, and we have the power to control the rebel States if they go wrong. If they rebel we have the army, and can control them by it, and, if necessary, by legislation also. If the General Government controls the right to vote in the States, it may establish such rules as will restrict the vote to a small number of persons, and thus create a central despotism.

My position here is different from what it would be if I was in Tennessee.

There I should try to introduce negro suffrage gradually; first those who had served in the army; those who could read and write; and per

Many years ago I moved in the Legislature that the apportionment of Representatives to Congress in Tennessee should be by qualified voters.

The apportionment is now fixed until 1872; before that time we might change the basis of representation from population to qualified voters, North as well as South, and, in due course of time, the States, without regard to color, might extend the elective franchise to all who possessed certain mental, moral, or such other qualifications as might be determined by an enlightened public judgment.

BOSTON, October 18, 1865. The above report was returned to me by President Johnson with the following endorsement. GEORGE L. STEARNS. I have read the within communication and find it substantially correct.

I have made some verbal alterations.

A. J.

Address to the Colored Soldiers. October 10, 1865-The first colored regiment of District of Columbia troops, recently returned from the South, marched to the Executive Mansion, and were addressed by the President, as follows:

MY FRIENDS: My object in presenting myself before you on this occasion is simply to thank you, members of one of the colored regiments which have been in the service of the country to sustain and carry its banner and its laws triumphantly in every part of this broad land. I appear before you on the present occasion merely to tender you my thanks for the compliment you have paid me on your return home, to again be associated with your friends

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