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the President to be necessary for the protection To force negro suffrage upon any State by means and benefit of all, and in the opinion of the un of a penalty of a loss of part of its representadersigned they are amply sufficient. Why ex- tion, will not only be to impose a disparaging act, as a preliminary condition to representa condition, but virtually to interfere with the tion, more? What more are supposed to be clear right of each State to regulate suffrage for aecessary? First, the repudiation of the rebel itself, without the control of the Government of debt; second, the denial of all obligation to pay the United States. Whether that control be exfor manumitted slaves ; third, the inviolability erted directly or indirectly, it will be considered, of our own debt. If these provisions are deemed as it is, a fătal blow to the right which every necessary, they cannot be defeated, if the South State in the past has held vital, the right to were disposed to defeat them, by the admission regulate her franchise. into Congress of their representatives. Nothing To punish a State for not regulating it in a is more probable, in the opinion of the under- particular way, so as to give to all classes of the signed, than that many of the southern States people the privilege of suffrago, is but seeking to would adopt them all, but those measures the accomplish incidentally what, if it should be done committee connect with others which we think at all, should be done directly. No reason, in the people of the South will never adopt. They the view of the undersigned, can be suggested are asked to disfranchise a numerous class of their for the course adopted, other than a belief that citizens, and also to agree to diminish their rep- such a direct interference would not be sancresentation in Congress, and of course in the elec- tioned by the northern and western States, toral college, or to admit to the right of suffrage while, as regards such States, the actual recomtheir colored males of twenty-one years of age mendation, because of the small proportion of and upwards, (a class now in a condition of negroes within their limits, will not in the least almost utter ignorance,) thus placing them on lessen their representative power in Congress or the same political footing with white citizens of their influence in the presidential election, and that age. For reasons so obvious that the dullest they may therefore sanction it. This very inemay discover them, the right is not directly as- quality in its operation upon the States renders serted of granting suffrage to the negro. That the measure in our opinion, most unjust, and, would be obnoxious to most of the Northern and looking to the peace and quiet of the couniry, Western States, so much so that their consent most impolitic. But the mode advised is also was not to be anticipated ; but as the plan adopt- not only without but against all precedent. ed, because of the limited number of negroes in When the Constitution was adopted it was such States, will have no effect on their represent- thought to be defective in not sufficiently proation, it is thought it may be adopted, while in tecting certain rights of the States and the peothe southern States it will materially lessen their ple. With the view of supplying a remedy for number. That these latter States will assent to this defect, on the 4th March, 1789, various the measure can hardly be expected. The effect, amendments by a resolution constitutionally then, if not the purpose, of the measure is forever passed by Congress were submitted for ratificato deny representatives to such States, or, if they tion to the States. They were twelve in numconsent to the condition, to weaken their repre- ber. Several of them were even less indepensentative power, and thus, probably, secure a dent of each other than are those recommended continuance of such a party in power as now by the committee. But it did not occur to the control the legislation of the Government. The men of that day that it was right to force the measure, in its terms and its effect, whether de- States to adopt or reject all. Each was, theresigned or not, is to degrade the southern States. fore, presented as a separate article. The lanTo consent to it will be to consent to their own guage of the resolution was, "that the followdishonor.

ing articles be proposed to the legislatures of the The manner, too, of presenting the proposed several States as amendments of the Constitution constitutional amendment, in the opinion of the of the United States, ALL OR ANY OF WHICH undersigned, is impolitic and without precedent. ARTICĻES, when ratified by three-fourths of the The several amendments suggested have no con- said legislatures, to be valid to all intents and nection with each other ; each, if adopted, would purposes as parts of the Constitutior. The Conhave its appropriate effect if the others were re-gress of that day was willing to obtain either jected; and each, therefore, should be submitted of the submitted amendments—to get a part, if as a separate article, without subjecting it to the not able to procure the whole. They thought contingency of rejection if the States should refuse (and in that we submit they but conformed to to ratify the rest. Each by itself, if an advisa- the letter and spirit of the amendatory clause of ble measure, should be submitted to the people, the Constitution) that the people have the right and not in such a connection with those which to pass severally on any proposed amendments. they may think unnecessary or dangerous as to This course of our fathers is now departed from, force them to reject all. The repudiation of the and the result will probably be that no one of rebel debt, and all obligation to compensate for the suggested amendments, though some may be the loss of slave property, and the inviolability approved, will be ratified. This will certainly of the debts of the Government, no matter how be the result

, unless the States are willing practicontracted, provided for by some of the sections cally to relinquish the right they have always of the amendment, we repeat, we believe would enjoyed, never before questioned by any recogmeet the approval of many of the southern nized statesman, and all-important to their inStates ; but these no State can sanction without terest and security-the right to regulate the sanctioning others, which we think will not be franchise in all their elections. done by them or by some of the northern States. There are, too, some general considerations


that bear on the subject, to which we will now proclamations of amnesty issued by Mr. Lincoln refer.

and his successor under the authority of Congress First. One of the resolutions of the Chicago are also inconsistent with the idea that the convention, by which Mr. Lincoln was first nomi- parties included within them are not to be held, nated for the presidency, says, "that the main in the future, restored to all rights belonging to tenance inviolate of the rights of the States is es- them as citizens of their respective States. A sential to the balance of power on which the power to pardon is a power to restore the offender prosperity and endurance of our political fabric to the condition in which he was before the date depend.' In his inaugural address of 4th March, of the offence pardoned. 1861, which received the almost universal appro It is now settled that a pardon removes not val of the people, among other things he said, only the punishment, but all the legal disabili" no State of its own mere motion can lawfully ties consequent on the crime. (7 Bac. Ab. Tit. get out of the Union ;” and that “in view of the Par.) Bishop on Criminal Law (vol. 1, p. 713) Constitution and the laws, the Union is un- states the same doctrine. The amnesties so de broken, and to the extent of my ability I shall clared would be but false pretences if they were, take care, as the Constitution itself expressly en now held, to leave the parties who have joins upon me, that the laws of the Union be availed themselves of them in almost every parfaithfully executed in all the States."

ticular in the condition they would have been Second. Actual conflict soon afterwards en- in if they had rejected them. Such a result, it sued. The South, it was believed, misapprehend- is submitted, would be a foul blot on the good ed the purpose of the Government in carrying name of the nation. Upon the whole, therefore, it on, and Congress deemed it imporant to dis- in the present state of the country, the excitepel that misapprehension by declaring what the ment which exists, and which may mislead legispurpose was. This was done in July, 1861, by latures already elected, we think that the their passing the following resolution, offered by matured sense of the people is not likely to bę Mr. Crittenden: “ That in this national emer- ascertained on the subject of the proposed gency, Congress, banishing all feeling of mere amendment by its submission to existing State passion or resentment, will recollect only its legislatures. "If it should be done at all, the duty to the whole country; that this war is not submission should either be to legislatures herewaged, upon our part, in any spirit of oppression, after to be elected, or to conventions of the peonor for any purpose of conquest or subjugation, ple chosen for the purpose. Congress may select nor purpose of overthrowing or interfering with either mode, but they have selected neither. It the rights or established institutions of those may be submitted to legislatures already in exStates, but to defend and maintain the supremacy istence, whose members were heretofore elected of the Constitution, and to preserve the Union, / with no view to the consideration of such a with all the dignity, equality, and rights of the measure; and it may consequently be adopted, several States unimpaired; that as soon as these though a majority of the people of the States objects are accomplished, the war ought to cease.” disapprove of it. "In this respect

, if there were The vote in the House was 119 for and 2 against no other objections to it, we think it most obit, and in the Senate 30 for and 5 against it. The jectionable. design to conquer or subjugate, or to curtail or Whether regard be had to the nature or the interfere in any way with the rights of the States, terms of the Constitution, or to the legislation is in the strongest terms thus disclaimed, and the of Congress during the insurrection, or to the only avowed object asserted to be to defend course of the judicial department, or to the conand maintain the spirit of the Constitution, and duct of the executive, the undersigned confi. to preserve the Union, AND THE DIGNITY, EQUAL- dently submit that the southern States are ITY, AND RIGHTS OF TIE SEVERAL STATES UNIM States in the Union, and entitled to every right

Congress, too, by the act of 13th July, and privilege belonging to the other States. If 1861, empowered the President to declare, by any portion of their citizens be disloyal, or are proclamation,“ that the inhabitants of such State not able to take any oath of office that has been or States where the insurrection existed are in a or may be constitutionally prescribed, is a quesstate of insurrection against the United States," tion irrespective of the right of the States to be and thereupon to declare that “all commercial represented. Against the danger, whatever intercourse by and between the same, by the that may be, of the admission of disloyal or discitizens thereof and the citizens of the United qualified members into the Senate or House, it States, shall cease and be unlawful so long as is in the power of each branch to provide against such condition of hostility shall continue.” Here, by refusing such admission. Each by the Conalso, Congress evidently deals with the States as stitution is made the judge of the election ro being in the Union and to remain in the Union. turns and qualifications of its own members. It seeks to keep them in by forbidding commer- No other department can interfere with it. Its cial intercourse between their citizens and the decision concludes all others. The only correccitizens of the other States so long, and so long live, when error is committed, consists in the reonly, as insurrectionary hostility shall continue. sponsibility of the members to the people. But That ended, they are to be, as at first, entitled to it is believed by the undersigned to be the clear the same intercourse with citizens of other States duty of each house to admit any Senator or Repthat they enjoyed before the insurrection. , In resentative who has been elected according to other words, in this act, as in the resolution of the constitutional laws of the State, and who is the same month, the dignity, equality, and rights able and willing to subscribe the oath required of such States (the insurrection ended) were not by constitutional law. to be held in any respect impaired. The several It is conceded by the majority that "it would


undoubtedly be competent for Congress to waive of time; while its opposite cannot fail to keep all formalities, and to admit those Confederate us divided, injuriously affect the particular and States at once, trusting that time and experience general welfare of citizen and Government, and, would set all things right.” It is not, therefore, if long persisted in, result in danger to the nation. owing to a want of constitutional power that it In the words of an eminent British whig statesis not done. It is not because such States are man, now no more, “A free constitution and not States with republican forms of government. large exclusions from its benefit cannot subsist The exclusion must therefore rest on considera- together; the constitution will destroy them, or tions of safety or of expediency alone. The first, they will destroy the constitution.” It is hoped that of safety, we have already considered, and, that, heeding the warning, we will guard as we think, proved it to be without foundation. against the perilby removing its cause. Is there any ground for the latter expediency? The undersigned have not thought it necesWe think not. On the contrary, in our judg- sary to examine into the legality of the measures ment, their admission is called for by the clearest adopted, either by the late or the present Presexpediency. Those States include a territorial ident, for the restoration of the southern States. area of 850,000 square miles, an area larger than It is sufficient for their purpose to say that, if that of we of the leading nations of Europe. those of President Johnson were not justified by They have a coast line of 3,000 miles, with an the Constitution, the same may at least be said internal water line, including the Mississippi, of of those of his predecessor. We deem such an about 36,000 miles. Their agricultural products examination to be unnecessary, because, however in 1850 were about $560,000,000 in value, and it might result, the people of the several States their population 9,664,656. Their staple pro- who possessed, as we have before said, the exductions are of immense and growing importance clusive right to decide for themselves what and are almost peculiar to that region. That the constitutions they should adopt, have adopted North is deeply interested in having such a those under which they respectively live. The country and people restored to all the rights and motives of neither President, however, whether privileges that the Constitution affords no sane the measures were legal or not, are liable to man, not blinded by mere party considerations, censure. The sole object of each was to effect or not a victim of disordering prejudice, can for a complete and early union of all the States ; a moment doubt. Such a restoration is also neces- to make the General Government, as it did at sary to the peace of the country. It is not only first, embrace all, and to extend its authority important but vital to the potential wealth of and secure its privileges and blessings to all which that section of our country is capable, alike. The purity of motive of President Johnthat cannot otherwise be fully developed. Every son in this particular, as was to have been exhour of illegal political restraint, every hour the pected, is admitted by the majority of the possession of the rights the Constitution gives is committee to be beyond doubt; for, 'whatever denied, is not only in a political but a material was their opinion of the unconstitutionality of sense of great injury to the North as well as to his course, and its tendency to enlarge the exthe South. The southern planter works for his ecutive power, they tell us that they do not northern brethren as well as for himself. His for a moment impute to him any such design, labors heretofore inured as much if not more to but cheerfully concede to him the most patriotic their advantage than to his. Whilst harmony motives.” Ånd we cannot forbear to say, in in the past between the sections gave to the whole conclusion, upon that point, that he sins against a prosperity, a power, and a renown of which light, and closes his eyes to the course of the eyery citizen had reason to be proud, the resto- President during the rebellion, from its incepration of such harmony will immeasurably in- tion to its close, who ventures to impeach his crease them all. Can'it, will it be restored as patriotism. Surrounded by insurrectionists, he long as the South is kept in political and dishon-stood firm. His life was almost constantly in oring bondage ? and can it not, will it not be re- peril, and he clung to the Union, and discharged stored by an opposite policy? By admitting her all the obligations it imposed upon him, even to all the rights of the Constitution, and by deal the closer because of the peril. And now that ing with her citizens as equals and as brothers, he has escaped unharmed, and by the confidence not as inferiors and enemies, such a course as of the people has had devolved upon him the this will, we are certain, soon be seen to bind executive functions of the Government, to charge them heart and soul to the Union, and inspire him with disloyalty is either a folly or a slander: them with confidence in its government, by folly in the fool who believes it; slander in making them feel that all enmity is forgotten, and the man of sense, if any such there be, who that justice is being done to them. The result of utters it. such a policy, we believe, will at once make us

REVERDY JOHNSON, in very truth one people, as happy, as prosper

A. J. ROGERS, ous, and as powerful as ever existed in the tide




The Constitutional Amendment, as Finally tion or rebellion against the same, or given aid

Adopted and submitted to the Legislatures or comfort to the enemies thereof. But Conof the States.

gress may, by a vote of two-thirds of each IN SENATE.

house, remove such disability. 1866, June 8–The Amendment in these words, Sec. 4. The validity of the public debt of the as finally amended, was brought to a vote: United States, authorized by law, including Joint resolution proposing an amendment to the debts incurred for payment of pensions and Constitution of the United States.

bounties for services in suppressing insurrection

or rebellion, shall not be questioned. But nei. Resolved by the Senate and House of Repre-ther the United States nor any State shall as. sentatives of the United States of America in sume or pay any debt or obligation incurred in Congress assembled, (two-thirds of both Houses aid of insurrection or rebellion against the Uni concurring,) That the following article be pro-ted States, or any claim for the loss or emanciposed to the legislatures of the several States pation of any slave; but all such debts, obligaas an amendment to the Constitution of the tions and claims shall be held illegal and void.. United States, which, when ratified by threefourths of said legislatures, shall be valid as force, by appropriate legislation, the provisions

Sec. 5. The Congress shall have power to en. part of the Constitution, namely:

of this article. ARTICLE 14.

It passed-yeas 33, nays 11, as follow : SECTION 1. All persons born or naturalized in YEAS—Messrs. Anthony, Chandler, Clark, Conness, Cra the United States, and subject to the jurisdiccio, Cresweli, Edmunds, Fessenden, Foster, Grimes, Harris tion thereof, are citizens of the United States of Indiana, Morgan, Morrill, Nye, Poland, Pomeroy, Ram. and of the State wherein they reside. No State sey, Sherman, Sprague, Stewart, Sumner, Trumbull, Wade, shall make or enforce any law which shall Willey, Williams, Wilson, Yates-33.

Nays-Messrs. Cowan, ' Davis, Doolittle, Guthrie, Hereabridge the privileges or immunities of citizens dricks, Johnson, McDougall, Norton, Riddle, Saulsbury, of the United States; nor shall any State de- Van Winkle-11. prive any person of life, liberty, or property, Wright–5.

ABSENT—Messrs. Brown, Buckalew, Dixon, Nesmith, without due process of law, nor deny to any per

In HOUSE. son within its jurisdiction the equal protection of the laws.

June 13—The Amendment passed-yeas 138, SEC. 2. Representatives shall be apportioned nays 36, as follow : among the several States according to their res YEAS-Messrs. Alley, Allison, Ames, Anderson, Delos Al pective numbers, counting the whole number of Ashley, James M. Ashley, Baker, Baldwin, Banks, Barker, persons in each State, excluding Indians not Boutwell, Brandegee, Bromwell, Broomall, Buckland, Bun taxed. But when the right to vote at any elec- dy, Reader W.. Clarke, Sidney Clarke, Cobb, Conkling, Cook, tion for the choice of electors for President and Dixon, Dodge, Donnelly, Driggs, Dumont, Eckley, Eggleston, Vice-President of the United States, representa- Eliot, Farnsworth, Farqular, Ferry, Garfield, Grinnoll, Gristives in Congress, the executive and judicial wold, Hale, Abner C. Harding, Hart, Hayes, Henderson, Hig officers of a State, or the members of the legis- D. Hubbard Demas Hubbard, jr., John H. Hubbard, James R lature thereof, is denied to any of the male in- Hubbell, Hulburd, Ingersoll, Jenckes, Julian, Kasson, Kelhabitants of such State, being twenty-one years 18y, Kelso, Ketcham, Kuykendall, Laflin, Latham, George of age, and citizens of the United States, or in Lawrence, William Lawrence Loan, Longyear, Lynch, any way abridged, except for participation in Moorhead, Morrill, Morris, Moulton, Myers, Newell, O'Neill, rebellion or other crime, the basis of representa- Ortb, Paine, Patterson, Perham, Phelps, Pike, Plants, Pometion therein shall be reduced in the proportion Rice, John H. Rice, Rollins, Sawyer, Schenck, Scofield, which the number of such male citizens shall Shellabarger, Sloan, Smith, Spalding, Stevens, Stillwell

, bear to the whole number of male citizens twenty- Thayer, Francis Thomas, Jolin 1. Thomas, Trowbridge, Up

son, Van Aernam, Burt Van Horn, Robert T. Van Horn, one years of age in such State.

Ward, Warner, Ellihu B. Washburne, Henry D. Washburn, SEC. 3. No person shall be a senator or rep. William B. Washburn, Welker, Wentworth, Whaley, Wiresentative in Congress, or elector of President liams, James F. Wilson, Stephen F. Wilson, Windom, Woodand Vice-President, or hold any office, civil or

bridge, the Speaker-138.

NAYS-Messrs. Ancona, Bergen, Boyer, Chanler, Coffroth, military, under the United States, or under any Dawson, Denison, Eldridge, Finck, Glossbrenner, Griller State, who, having previously taken an oath, as Aaron Harding, Hogan, Edwin N. Hubbell

, James M. Huma member of Congress, or as an officer of the phrey, Johnson, Kerr, Le Blond, Marshall, McCullough,

Niblack, Nicholson, Radford, Samuel J. Randall, Ritter, United States, or as a member of any State le- Rogers, Ross, Shanklin, Sitgreaves, Strouse, Taber, Taylor, gislature, or as an executive or judicial officer of Thornton, Trimble, Winfield, Wright-36.

rris, Hill, any State, to support the Constitution of the James Humphrey, Jones, McIndoo, Noell, Rousscau, StarrUnited States, shall have engaged in insurrec- 10.


Preliminary Proceedings.

YEAS-Messrs. Allison, Ames, Anderson, Banks, Baxter, Prior to the adoption of the joint resolution Bidwell, Boutwell, Bromwell, Broomall. Chanler, Reader W! i the form above stated, these reports were Driggs, Dumont, Eckley, Esgleston, Eldridge, Eliot, Grider, iade from the Joint Committee, and these votes Grinnell, Aaron Harding, Abner C. Harding, Harris, Hart,

Higby, Holmes, Hooper, Hotchkiss, Asahel w. Hubbard, rere taken in the two Houses :

Demas Hubbard. Ingersoll, Julian, Kelley, Kelso, Kerr, WilIn HOUSE.

liam Lawrence, Le Blond, Loan, Lynch, Marston, McClurg,

McCullmigh, McIndoe, Mercur, Morrill, Moulton, Niblack, April 30—Mr. Stevens, from the Joint Select O'Neill, Orth, Paine, Patterson, Perham, Pike, Price, John H. ommittee on Reconstruction reported a joint Rice, Ritter Rogers, Rollins, Ross, Rousseau, Sawyer

, esolution, as follows:

Schenck, Scofield, Shanklin, Shellabarger, Spalding, Stevens,

Francis Thomas, John L. Thomas, Thornton, Trowbridge, A joint resolution proposing an amendment Upson, Ward, Ellihu B. Washburne, Welker, James F. Wii

to the Constitution of the United States. son, Stephen F. Wilson, Windom. Woodbridge-84. Be it resolved, &c., (two-thirds of both Houses Ashley, Baker, Baldwin, Barker, Beaman, Benjamin, Bergen,

Nays-Messrs. Alley, Ancona, Delos R. Ashley, James M. oncurring.) That the following article be pro- Bingham, Blaine, Blow, Boyer, Buckland, Bundy, Coffroth osed to the legislatures of the several States as

Cullom, Darling, Davis, Dawes, Dawson, Delano, Deming, Damendment to the Constitution of the United brenner, Goodyear, Griswold, Ilayes, Henderson, Chester D.

Dodge, Donnelly, Farnsworth, Ferry, Finck, Garfield, Glosstates, which, when ratified by three-fourths of Hubbard, James K. Hubbell, Hulburd, James Humphrey, aid legislatures, shall be valid as part of the Jenckes, Kasson, Ketcham, Knykendall

, Laflin, Latham,

George V. Lawrence, Longyear, Marshall, McKee, McRuer, onstitution, namely :

Miller, Moorhead, Morris, Myers, Newell, Phelps, Plants, ARTICLE —

Radford, Samuel I. Randall

, William H. Randall, Raymond, SEC. 1. No State shall make or enforce any Taber, Taylor, Thayer, Trimble, Burt Van Horn, Robert T.

Alexander H. Rice, Sitgreaves, Smith, Stillwell, Strouse, aw which shall abridge the privileges or immu- Van Jorn, Warner, Henry D. Washburn, William B. Washaities of citizens of the United States ; nor shall burn, Whaley, Williams, Winfield, Wright79. any State deprive any person of life, liberty, or The joint resolution, as above printed, then property without due process of law, nor deny passed-yeas 128, nays 37, as follow : to any person within its jurisdiction the equal Yeas-Messrs. Alley, Allison, Ames, Anderson, Delos R. protection of the laws.

Ashley, James M. Ashley, Baker, Baldwin, Banks, Barker, SEC. 2. Representatives shall be apportioned B utwell, Bromwell, Broomall, Buckland, Bundy, Reader

Baxter, Beaman, Benjamin, Bidwell, Binghanı, Blaine, Blow, among the several States which may be included W. Clarke, Sidney Clarke, Cobb, Conkling, Cook, Cullom, within this Union, according to their respective Darling, Davis, Dawes, Defrees, Delano, Deming, Dixon numbers, counting the whole number of persons Farnsworth, Ferry, Garfield, Grinnell, Griswola, Abner c. in each State, excluding Indians not taxed. But Harding, Hart, Hayes, Henderson, Higby, Holmes, Hooper, whenever in any State the elective franchise Hotchkiss, Asahel W. Hubbard, Chester D. Hubbard, Demas

Hubbard, James R. Hubbell, Hulburd, James Humphrey, shall be denied to any portion of its male citizens Ingersoll, Jenckes, Julian, Kasson, Kelley, Kelso, Ketcham, not less than twenty-one years of age, or in any Kuykendall, Laflin, George V. Lawrence, William Lawrence, way abridged, except for participation in rebel Loan, Longyear, Lynch, Marston, McClurg, McIndoe, Mclion or other crime, the basis of representation Moulton, Myers, Newell, O'Neill, Orth, Paine, Patterson, in such State shall be reduced in the proportion Perham, Pike, Plants, Price, William H. Randalí, Raymond, which the number of such male citizens shall Alexander H. Rice, John H. Rice, Rollins, Sawyer, Schenck, bear to the whole number of male citizens not Francis Thomas,

John L. Thomas, Trowbridge, Upson, Van

Scofield, Shellabarger, Spilding, Stevens, Stillwell, Thayer, less than twenty-one years of age.

Aernam, Burt Van Horn, Robert T. Van Horn, Ward, WarSec. 3. Until the 4th day of July, in the mer, Ellihu BwWashburne, Henry D. Washburn, William B. year 1870, all persons who voluntarily adhered Wilson, Windom, Woodbridge, the Speaker-128. to the late insurrection, giving it aid and com NAYS—Messrs. Ancona, Bergen, Boyer, Chanler, Coffroth, fort, shall be excluded from the right to vote for Aaron Harding, Harris, Kerr, Latham, Le Blond, Marshali


Dawson, Eldridge, Finck, Glossbrenner, Goodyear, Grider, representatives in Congress and for electors for McCullough, Niblacle, Phelps, Radford, Samuel J. Randal, President and Vice-President of the United Ritter, Rogers, Ross, Rousseau, shanklin, Sitgreaves, Smith, States.

Strouse, Taber, Taylor, Thornton, Trimble, Whaley, Winfield,

Wright-37. Sec. 4. Neither the United States nor any

The amendments of the Senate were made to State shall assume or pay any debt or obligation this proposition, when it was finally adopted by already incurred, or which may hereafter be in each House, in the form first stated. curred, in aid of insurrection or of war against the United States, or any claim for compensation

The Accompanying Bills. for loss of involuntary service or labor. SEC. 5. The Congress shall have power to en-mittee, also reported this bill :

April 30—Mr. Stevens, from the same comforce, by appropriate legislation, the provisions A Bill to provide for restoring the States lately of this article. Objection having been made to its being a

in insurrection to their full political rights. special order for Tuesday, May 8, and every day insurrection should, at the earliest day consistent

Whereas it is expedient that the States lately in thereafter until disposed of, Mr. Stevens moved with the future peace and safety of the Union, a suspension of the rules to enable him to make be restored to full participation in all political ahat motion ; which was agreed to-yeas 107, rights ; and whereas the Congress did, by joint The Nays were: Messrs. Ancona, Bergen, Boyer, Coffroth; latures of the several States, as an amendment to

resolution, propose for ratification to the legisDawson, Eldridge, Finck, Grider, Aaron Harding, James M. Humphrey, Lathamn, Marshall, Niblack, Nicholson, Ritter, the Constitution of the United States, an article Ross, Stroase, Taylor, Thornton, Winfield.20.

in the following words, to wit: May 10- Mr. Stevens demanded the previous [For article, see page 102.] question; which was seconded, on a count, 85 Now, therefore, to 57; and the main question was ordered Be it enacted, &c, That whenever the abovepeas 84, nays 79, as follow :

recited amendment shall have become part of the

Days 20.

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