no one who has labored harder than I to have | few at the federal head, and thereby bring abor the principals, the intelligent and conscious offenders, brought to justice and have the principle vindicated that "treason is a crime." But, while conscious and intelligent traitors are to be punished, should whole communities and States be made to submit to the penalty of death? I have quite as much asperity, and perhaps as much resentment, as a man ought to have; but we must reason regarding man as he is, and must conform our action and our conduct to the example of Him who founded our holy religion.

a consolidation of the Republic, which is equally objectionable with its dissolution. We find power assumed and attempted to be exercised c a most extraordinary character. We see now that governments can be revolutionized withou going into the battle-field; and sometimes the revolutions most distressing to a people are ei fected without the shedding of blood. That is the substance of your Government may be take away, while there is held out to you the form and the shadow. And now, what are the a tempts, and what is being proposed? We find that by an irresponsible central directory nearly all the powers of Congress are assumed, witho even consulting the legislative and executive departments of the Government. By a resolution reported by a committee, upon whom and in whom the legislative power of the Government has been lodged, that great principle in the Con stitution which authorizes and empowers the legislative department, the Senate and House of Representatives, to be the judges of elections, returns, and qualifications of its own members, has been virtually taken away from the two respective branches of the national legislature, and conferred upon a committee, who must report before the body can act on the question of the admission of members to their seats. By this rule they assume a State is out of the Union, and to have its practical relations restored by that rule, before the House can judge of the qualifications of its own members. What position is that? You have been struggling for four years to put down a rebellion. You contended at the beginning of that struggle that a State had not a right to go out. You said it had neither the right nor the power, and it has been settled that the States had neither the right nor the power to go out of the Union. And when you determine by the executive, by the military, and by the public judgment, that these States cannot have any right to go out, this committee turns around and assumes that they are out, and that they shall not come in.

I came into power under the Constitution of the country, and with the approbation of the people, and what did I find? I found eight millions of people who were convicted, condemned under the law, and the penalty was death; and, through revenge and resentment, were they all to be annihilated? Oh! may I not exclaim, how different would this be from the example set by the Founder of our holy religion, whose divine arch rests its extremities on the horizon while its span embraces the universe! Yes, He that founded this great scheme came into the world and saw men condemned under the law, and the sentence was death. What was his example? Instead of putting the world or a nation to death, He went forth on the cross and testified with His wounds that He would die and let the world live. Let them repent; let them acknowledge their rashness; let them become loyal, and let them be supporters of our glorious stripes and stars, and the Constitution of our country. I say let the leaders, the conscious, intelligent traitors, meet the penalties of the law. But as for the great mass, who have been forced into the rebellion-misled in other instances let there be clemency and kindness, and a trust and a confidence in them. But, my countrymen, after having passed through this rebellion, and having given as much evidence of enmity to it as some who croak a great deal about the matterwhen I look back over the battle-field and see many of those brave men in whose com.pany I was, in localities of the rebellion where I am free to say to you, as your Executive, the contest was most difficult and doubtful, and that I am not prepared to take any such position. who yet were patient; when I look back over I said in the Senate, in the very inception of these fields, and where the smoke has scarcely this rebellion, that the States had no right to passed away; where the blood that has been secede. That question has been settled. Thus shed has scarcely been absorbed before their determined, I cannot turn round and give the bodies have passed through the stages of decom-lie direct to all that I profess to have done during position-what do I find? The rebellion is put the last four years. say that when the States down by the strong arm of the Government in that attempted to secede comply with the Conthe field. But is this the only way in which we stitution, and give sufficient evidence of loyalty, can have rebellions? This was a struggle against I shall extend to them the right hand of fellowa change and a revolution of the Government, ship, and let peace and union be restored. I am and before we fully get from the battle-fields opposed to the Davises, the Toombses, the Slidells, when our brave men have scarcely returned to and the long list of such. But when I perceive, their homes and renewed the ties of affection on the other hand, men-[A voice, "Call them and love to their wives and their children-we off"]-I care not by what name you call themare now almost inaugurated into another re- still opposed to the Union, I am free to say to bellion. you that I am still with the people. I am still for the preservation of these States, for the preservation of this Union, and in favor of this great Government accomplishing its destiny.

One rebellion was the effort of States to secede, and the war on the part of the Government was to prevent them from accomplishing that, and thereby changing the character of our Government and weakening its power. When the Government has succeeded, there is an attempt now to concentrate all power in the hands of a

[Here the President was called upon to give the names of three of the members of Congress to whom he had alluded as being opposed to the Union.]

remedy this evil by the adoption of the amend-current resolution; but when it is submitted to ment suggested. Even that portion of the Con- the popular judgment, they will find it just a stitution which differs from other organic law says well to introduce a resolution repealing the lav that no State shall be deprived of its represen- of gravitation; and the idea of preventing the tation. We now find the position taken that restoration of the Union is as about as feasibl States shall not be recognized; that we will as resistance to the great law of gravity which impose taxation; and where taxes are to be binds all to a common centre. This great lan imposed the Representatives elect from thence of gravitation will bring back those States to are met at the door, and told: "No; you must harmony and their relations to the Federal Gor pay taxes, but you cannot participate in a Government, and all machinations North and South ernment which is to affect you for all time." Is cannot prevent it. All that is wanting is time this just? [Voices-"No! No!"] We see, until the American people can understand what then, where we are going. I repeat, that I am is going on, and be ready to accept the vie for the Union. I am for preserving all the just as it appears to me. I would to God that States. They may have erred, but let us admit the whole American people could be assem those into the counsels of the nation who are bled here to-day as you are. I could wish to unmistakably loyal. Let the man who acknowl- have an amphitheatre large enough to con edges allegiance to the Government, and swears tain the whole thirty millions, that they could to support the Constitution, (he cannot do this be here and witness the great struggle to pre in good faith unless he is loyal; no amplification serve the Constitution of our fathers. They of the oath can make any difference; it is mere could at once see what it is, and how it is, and detail, which I care nothing about;) let him be what kind of spirit is manifested in the attemp unquestionably loyal to the Constitution of the to destroy the great principles of free govern United States and its Government, and willing ment; and they could understand who is for to support it in its peril, and I am willing to them and who is against them, and who was for trust him. I know that some do not attach so ameliorating their condition. Their opposen much importance to the principle as I do. One could be placed before them, and there might be principle that carried us through the revolution a regular contest, and in the first tilt the ene was, that there should be no taxation with-mies of the country would be crushed. I hav out representation. I hold that that principle, which was laid down by our fathers for the country's good then, is important to its good now. If it was worth battling for then, it is worth battling for now. It is fundamental, and should be preserved so long as our Government lasts. I know it was said by some during the rebellion that the Constitution had been rolled up as a piece of parchment, and should be put away, and that in time of rebellion there was no constitution. But it is now unfolding; it must now be read and adjusted and understood by the American people.

I come here to-day to vindicate, in so far as I can in these remarks, the Constitution; to save it, as I believe; for it does seem that encroachment after encroachment is to be pressed; and as I resist encroachments on the Government, I stand to-day prepared to resist encroachments on the Constitution, and thereby preserve the Government. It is now peace, and let us have peace. Let us enforce the Constitution. Let us live under and by its provisions. Let it be published in blazoned characters, as though it were in the heavens, so that all may read and all may understand it. Let us consult that instrument, and, understanding its principles, let us apply them. I tell the opponents of this Government, and I care not from what quarter they come-East or West, North or South-"you that are engaged in the work of breaking up this Government are mistaken. The Constitution and the principles of free government are deeply rooted in the American heart." All the powers combined, I care not of what character they are, cannot destroy the image of freedom. They may succeed for a time, but their attempts will be futile. They may as well attempt to lock up the winds or chain the waves. Yes, they may as well attempt to repeal it, (as it would seem the Constitution can be,) by a con

detained you longer than I intended; but this struggle I am your instrument. Where i the man or woman, in private or public life, that has not always received my attention and my time? Sometimes it is said, "that man Johnson is a lucky man." I will tell you what constitutes good fortune. Doing right and being for the people. The people in some particular or other, notwithstanding their sagacity and judgment, are frequently underrated or underestimated; but somehow or other the great mas of the people will find out who is for them and who is against them. You must indulge me in this allusion, when I say I can lay my hand on my bosom and say that in all the positions in which I have been placed-many of them a trying as any in which mortal man could be put -so far, thank God, I have not deserted the people, nor do I believe they will desert me. What sentiment have I swerved from? Can my calumniators put their finger on it? Can they dare indicate a discrepancy or a deviation from principle?

Have you heard them at any time quote my predecessor, who fell a martyr to his course, a coming in controversy with anything I advocated? An inscrutable Providence saw proper to remove him to, I trust, a better world than this, and I came into power. Where is there one principle in reference to this restoration that I have departed from? Then the war is not simply upon me, but it is upon my predecessor. I have tried to do my duty. I know some are jealous in view of the White House, and I say all that flummery has as little influence on me as it had heretofore. The conscious satisfaction of having performed my duty to my country my children, and my God, is all the reward which I shall ask.

In conclusion of what I have to say, let me ask this vast concourse, this sea of upturned

Faces, to go with me or I will go with you- | hobby, nor did I ride the colored man for the and stand around the Constitution of our country; sake of gaining power. What I did was for t is again unfolded, and the people are invited the purpose of establishing the great principles o read and understand it, and to maintain its of freedom. And, thank God, I feel and know provisions. Let us stand by the principles of it to be so, that my efforts have contributed as our fathers, though the heavens fall; and then, much, if not more, in accomplishing this great hough factions array their transient forces to national guarantee, than those of any other give vituperation after vituperation in the most living man in the United States. virulent manner, I intend to stand by the Contitution as the chief ark of our safety, as the palladium of our civil and religious liberty. Yes, let us cling to it as the mariner clings to he last plank when the night and the tempest lose around him.

Accept my thanks, gentlemen, for the indulgence you have given me in my extemporaneous emarks. Let us go on, forgetting the past and ooking only upon the future, and trusting in Him that can control all that is on high and here below, and hoping that hereafter our Union will be restored, and that we will have peace on earth and good will towards man.

Speech to the Colored People of the District of Columbia, Celebrating the Third Anniversary of their Emancipation.

April 19, 1866-I have nothing more to say to you on this occasion than to thank you for this compliment you have paid me in presenting yourselves before me on this your day of celeoration. I come forward for the purpose of inlicating my approbation and manifesting my ppreciation of the respect thus offered or conferred.

It is very easy for colored men to have pretended friends, ensconced in high places, and far removed from danger, whose eyes have only abstractly gazed on freedom; who have never exposed their limbs or property, and who never contributed a sixpence in furtherance of the great cause, while another periled his all, and put up everything sacred and dear to man; and those whom he raised and who lived with him now enjoy his property with his consent, and receive his aid and assistance; yet some who assume, and others who have done nothing, are considered the great defenders and protectors of the colored man.

I repeat, my colored friends, here to-day, the time will come, and that not far distant, when it will be proved who is practically your best friend.

My friendship, so far as it has gone, has not been for place or power, for I had these already. It has been a principle with me, and I thank God the great principle has been established, that wherever any individual, in the language of a distinguished orator and statesman, treads American soil, his soul swells within him beyond the power of chains to bind him, in appreciation of the great truth that he stands forth redeemed, regenerated, and disenthralled by the genius of

I thank you for the compliment, and I mean what I say. And I will remark in this connec-universal emancipation! tion to this vast concourse that the time, will come, and that, too, before a great while, when the colored population of the United States will find out who have selected them as a hobby and a pretence by which they can be successful in obtaining and maintaining power, and who have been their true friends, and wanted them to participate in and enjoy the blessings of freedom. The time will come when it will be made known who contributed as much as any other man, and who, without being considered egotistic, I may say contributed more, in procuring the great national guarantee of the abolition of slavery in all the States, by the ratification of the amendment to the Constitution of the United States-giving a national guarantee that slavery shall no longer be permitted to exist or be reestablished in any State or jurisdiction of the United States.

Then let me mingle with you in celebration of the day which commenced your freedom. I do it in sincerity and truth, and trust in God the blessings which have been conferred may be enjoyed and appreciated by you, and that you may give them a proper direction.

There is something for all to do. You have high and solemn duties to perform, and you ought to remember that freedom is not a mere idea. It must be reduced to practical reality. Men in being free have to deny themselves many things which seem to be embraced in the idea of universal freedom.

It is with you to give evidence to the world and the people of the United States, whether you are going to appreciate this great boon as it should be, and that you are worthy of being freemen. Then let me thank you with sincerity for the compliment you have paid me by passing I know how easy it is to cater to prejudices, through here to-day and paying your respects and how easy it is to excite feelings of prejudice to me. I repeat again, the time will come when and unkindness. I care not for that. I have you will know who has been your best friend, been engaged in this work in which my all has and who has not been your friend from mercebeen periled. I was not engaged in it as anary considerations. Accept my thanks.

VI.

SPECIAL AND VETO MESSAGES OF PRESIDENT JOHNSON

WITH THE

VOTES IN CONGRESS ON THE PASSAGE OF THE VETOED BILLS.

The Annual Message, December 4, 1865. The following extracts relate to reconstruction:

from the beginning, null and void. The State cannot commit treason, nor screen the individ ual citizens who may have committed treason, any more than they could make valid treaties or engage in lawful commerce with any foreig

themselves in a condition where their vitality was impaired, but not extinguished-their fund tions suspended, but not destroyed.

I found the States suffering from the effects of a civil war. Resistance to the General Gov-power. The States attempting to secede placed ernment appeared to have exhausted itself. The United States had recovered possession of their forts and arsenals, and their armies were in the occupation of every State which had attempted to secede. Whether the territory within the limits of those States should be held as conquered territory, under military authority emanating from the President as the head of the army, was the first question that presented itself for decision.

But if any State neglects or refuses to perform its offices, there is the more need that the General Government should maintain all its authority and, as soon as practicable, resume the exercise of all its functions. On this principle I have acted, and have gradually and quietly, and by almost imperceptible steps, sought to restore th Now, military governments, established for rightful energy of the General Government and an indefinite period, would have offered no se- of the States. To that end, provisional gov curity for the early suppression of discontent; ernors have been appointed for the States, conwould have divided the people into the van- ventions called, governors elected, legislatures quishers and the vanquished; and would have assembled, and Senators and Representatives envenomed hatred, rather than have restored chosen to the Congress of the United States. At affection. Once established, no precise limit to the same time, the courts of the United States, their continuance was conceivable. They would as far as could be done, have been reopened, s have occasioned an incalculable and exhausting that the laws of the United States may be enexpense. Peaceful emigration to and from that forced through their agency. The blockade ha portion of the country is one of the best means been removed and the custom-houses re-estab that can be thought of for the restoration of lished in ports of entry, so that the revenue of harmony, and that emigration would have been the United States may be collected. The Post prevented; for what emigrant from abroad, Office Department renews its ceaseless activity, what industrious citizen at home, would place and the General Government is thereby enabled himself willingly under military rule? The to communicate promptly with its officers and chief persons who have followed in the train of agents. The courts bring security to persons the army would have been dependents on the and property; the opening of the ports invites General Government, or men who expected the restoration of industry and commerce; profit from the miseries of their erring fellow-post office renews the facilities of social inter citizens. The powers of patronage and rule course and of business. And is it not happy for which would have been exercised, under the us all, that the restoration of each one of these President, over a vast and populous and natu- functions of the General Government brings rally wealthy region, are greater than, unless with it a blessing to the States over which they under extreme necessity, I should be willing to are extended? Is it not a sure promise of har intrust to any one man; they are such as, for mony and renewed attachment to the Union myself, I could never, unless on occasions of that, after all that has happened, the return of great emergency, consent to exercise. The wil- the General Government is known only as a ful use of such powers, if continued through a beneficence? period of years, would have endangered the purity of the general administration and the liberties of the States which remained loyal.

Besides, the policy of military rule over a conquered territory would have implied that the States whose inhabitants may have taken part in the rebellion had, by the act of those inhabitants, ceased to exist. But the true theory is, that all pretended acts of secession were,

the

I know very well that this policy is attended with some risk; that for its success it requires at least the acquiescence of the States which it concerns; that it implies an invitation to those States, by renewing their allegiance to the United States, to resume their functions as States of the Union. But it is a risk that must be taken; in the choice of difficulties, it is the smallest risk; and to diminish, and, if possible, to remove all

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