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obtain office or proposed regulations once in office, while the other half have been concerned with such state problems as court jurisdictions, land management, and conservation measures. Furthermore, if the first four categories were to be combined under a heading of "Public Services," and the fifth and sixth areas were to be reclassified under a title of “Regulation of Individual or Collective Behavior," neither the so-called "morality" issues nor the taxation issues predominate. Instead, a majority of the proposals have centered around public services in some manner.

The multiplicity evident among both sponsors and policy areas in the direct legislation process does in fact resemble a situation of interest group liberalism. However, under the critique of pluralism, one result would be groups sponsoring measures suited only to their own narrow interests, with little attention being paid to measures pertaining to the "public interest," or at best the sum of all group activities would be said to equal the public interest. Unfortunately proponents and opponents of almost every measure claim to be representing the best interests of the public. Hypothesis 2 cannot resolve this question completely, but it does allow the application of Louis Froman's typology of areal and segmental policies." Areal policies are those in which the total population is affected by a policy; second, they are affected simultaneously, rather than one group being affected at one interval and another at a later time period; third, the emphasis is upon a single action rather than on "continuing programs." Segmental policies, on the other hand, either affect only a small proportion of the people or affect them at different periods of time, and a continuing program is likely to result." Applying this dichotomy to initiatives and petition referenda over the sixty-year time span, some care must be exercised in forming a conclusion. A ratio of three segmental measures for every two areal measures was found. Opponents of direct legislation might argue that because the policy outputs of these proposals would have affected only one segment of the population, therefore direct legislation is a special interest mechanism whose policy outcomes benefit the minority. Conversely, proponents might point to the areal nature of 40 percent of the proposals as evidence of public concerns contained in a number of the measures. However, until a definition of the "public interest" is commonly accepted, neither conclusion can be fully substantiated.

EXPERIENCE With Statewide Propositions

In the theory of direct legislation, two of the major purposes were first, to provide a positive means of implementing programs an unresponsive legislature "Lewis Froman, Jr., “An Analysis of Public Policies in Cities," Journal of Politics, 29 (February 1967), 102.

"In some instances even this distinction is difficult to apply because of possible multiple effects of policy. A good example of this problem is a recent Coalition on Open Government initiative which passed in 1972. The new law, one of the toughest in the nation, requires financial disclosure of all sources of income, whether compensation is received for a public office or not. Its passage and recent upholding by the state Supreme Court cannot help but have an effect on the type of public officials elected, and therefore quite possibly on the type of public policies enacted. Consequently all measures relating to regulation of public officials have been placed in the areal category.

because it was a "hot potato." Also in the first decade after adoption, the referendum served as a corrective to what many regarded as reactionary statutes enacted by the legislature.

There has also been a drastic increase in ballot propositions during the last fifteen years, largely in response to demands for change in such diverse areas as improvement in the environment, reform of government, or to bring about tax reform, incur indebtedness, and amend an antiquated constitution. This longitudinal review shows the importance of the time dimensions in linking the use of direct legislation to its theoretical underpinnings. There is an evident long-term increase in the practice of legislative referral of statutes. At the same time there has been much less use of the petition referendum by the electorate during the last generation. In general this indicates greater agreement with what the legislature actually passed, with resort to the initiative process to compensate for those areas the legislature neglected. Thus the first rationale for direct legislation, that of providing a positive means of implementing programs the legislature has not acted upon (initiatives), has remained steadily important, as opposed to the notion of a negative check on the legislature. The counterargument that such factors as lessened corruption, professionalization, and mandatory redistricting would obviate the need for initiatives and referenda has not been accepted by either sponsors of measures or the electorate.

Voter Turnout: General Aspects

Voter turnout is of high interest and importance both to the democratic theorist and to the sponsors of ballot propositions. The following hypotheses on turnout have been selected for consideration. If the degree of issue saliency stipulated by direct legislation theorists is valid, then (1) even though candidates are first on the ballot and generally receive higher visibility, falloff for issues should not be substantially greater when compared with candidates elected statewide; (2) ballot fatigue for measures should occur less frequently than for candidates for lesser statewide offices appearing at the end of the list of candidates. Further, falloff will be related to (3) policy areas of the measures and (4) to the type of measure-the least falloff occurring for citizen or interest group sponsored initiatives, followed in order by referenda and amendments. In addition, hypotheses for the effects of two intervening variables (which carly direct legislation theorists did not foresee) will be considered: (5) turnout is affected by ballot forms, and (6) by ecological variables such as urban, suburban and rural residence. Finally (7), the effect of turnout on the outcome of measures will be explored.

Previous voting studies have confirmed the ever-increasing importance in the eyes of the electorate of executive branch officeholders on both the state

"Falloff or drop off as used here means those who voted in the election but failed to vote for a particular proposition. Turnout has commonly been defined in two ways: Number voting or Ballots cast on one issue Number voting

Number of registered voters

Unless otherwise specified, our use of the term conforms to the latter definition.

TABLE 2

Initiatives and Referenda, Starts and DISPENSATION BY TIME PERIODS 1914-1973

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Of the 139 measures placed on the ballot from 1914 to 1973, 48.2 percent were direct initiatives to voters; 7.9 percent were indirect initiatives to the legislature; 20.1 percent were referred by petition to voters, and 23.7 percent were measures referred by the legislature.

seen increased usage. Up to 1968, 16 were referred, but in the four succeeding elections the legislature placed 17 bills before the electorate. Overall, the legislature has been sustained by the electorate on 80 percent of the measures it referred."

Importance of Time Frame

Using World War II as the division between the two generations of use of direct legislation, several interesting observations are evident (Table 2A and 2B). The total number of various initiatives submitted and making their way to the ballot along with the acceptance and rejection rates are quite similar for the two time periods.

When one turns to a longitudinal view of the two types of referenda the differences are pronounced. About twice as many petition referenda were submitted before 1943 than subsequently. The picture of legislative referral is radically reversed. The legislature sent only six propositions to the voters prior to 1944 and twenty-seven since that time. A major reason for the recent increase is that the legislature has been forced to submit numerous measures to raise money. However, it recently referred a congressional redistricting bill in order to avoid a gubernatorial veto and passed abortion liberalization to the voters

"The voters' burden in Washington State is further increased by a volume of submitted constitutional amendments. (No provision is made for the constitutional initiative.) Except for 1918 there has been a constitutional amendment on every ballot since 1914 -some 94 in all, including a record 8 in 1972. The percentage of amendments has risen spectacularly in recent years; all told, 62 out of 94 amendments appeared since 1946 and 20 in the last four elections.

because it was a "hot potato." Also in the first decade after adoption, the referendum served as a corrective to what many regarded as reactionary statutes enacted by the legislature.

There has also been a drastic increase in ballot propositions during the last fifteen years, largely in response to demands for change in such diverse areas as improvement in the environment, reform of government, or to bring about tax reform, incur indebtedness, and amend an antiquated constitution. This longitudinal review shows the importance of the time dimensions in linking the use of direct legislation to its theoretical underpinnings. There is an evident long-term increase in the practice of legislative referral of statutes. At the same time there has been much less use of the petition referendum by the electorate during the last generation. In general this indicates greater agreement with what the legislature actually passed, with resort to the initiative process to compensate for those areas the legislature neglected. Thus the first rationale for direct legislation, that of providing a positive means of implementing programs the legislature has not acted upon (initiatives), has remained steadily important, as opposed to the notion of a negative check on the legislature. The counterargument that such factors as lessened corruption, professionalization, and mandatory redistricting would obviate the need for initiatives and referenda has not been accepted by either sponsors of measures or the electorate.

Voter Turnout: General Aspects

Voter turnout is of high interest and importance both to the democratic theorist and to the sponsors of ballot propositions. The following hypotheses on turnout have been selected for consideration. If the degree of issue saliency stipulated by direct legislation theorists is valid, then (1) even though candidates are first on the ballot and generally receive higher visibility, falloff for issues should not be substantially greater when compared with candidates elected statewide; (2) ballot fatigue for measures should occur less frequently than for candidates for lesser statewide offices appearing at the end of the list of candidates. Further, falloff will be related to (3) policy areas of the measures and (4) to the type of measure-the least falloff occurring for citizen or interest group sponsored initiatives, followed in order by referenda and amendments. In addition, hypotheses for the effects of two intervening variables (which carly direct legislation theorists did not foresee) will be considered: (5) turnout is affected by ballot forms, and (6) by ecological variables such as urban, suburban and rural residence. Finally (7), the effect of turnout on the outcome of measures will be explored.

Previous voting studies have confirmed the ever-increasing importance in the eyes of the electorate of executive branch officeholders on both the state

Falloff or drop off as used here means those who voted in the election but failed to vote for a particular proposition. Turnout has commonly been defined in two ways: Number voting or Ballots cast on one issue Number voting

Number of registered voters

Unless otherwise specified, our use of the term conforms to the latter definition.

and national levels. On this basis political scientists might believe hypotheses one and two to be quite unrealistic for contemporary society. Taken as a whole the results of Table 3 are not impressive evidence for the premise of direct legislation theory. The top two executive posts in the state, that of governor and lieutenant governor, do justify skepticism about the hypotheses. In comparison with these offices, turnout for initiatives has averaged substantially less, often from 10 to 30 percent less. However a different trend emerges if Table 3 is collapsed into two categories; one where turnout for initiatives is either greater than, or within 3 percent of turnout for the officeholder, compared to a second category where it is 3.1 percent or less." Utilizing this division, in a majority of the cases for the positions of auditor, attorney general, superintendent of public instruction and insurance commissioner, initiative turnout falls into the former category rather than the latter, indicaing that participation on initiative measures in many cases approximates or exceeds that for major state offices. Moreover, in accordance with the second hypothesis, which states that falloff will be greater for statewide candidates at the end of the list of candidates than for the issues, this has been the case for the offices of superintendent of public instruction and insurance commissioner.

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⚫N of initiatives 39 for presidential years, N=-26 for Senate races, N-34 for congressional years. Initiatives which have not been included are those for the off-election year of 1973, and also initiatives to the legislature which were enacted by that body, and therefore were not placed on the ballot.

↑ Figures in parentheses are row percentages.

For 21 out of the 24 initiatives, turnout ranged from 10.1 to 40 percent greater than the vote for the superintendent of public instruction.

"A 3 percent cutoff point was chosen to include cases where turnout was very close to, but did not equal, that of candidates.

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