H. OF R.]

The Greek Cause.

[JANUARY, 1824.

was not merely in the pomp and parade of a | said Mr. W., in rising, is to express the hope military rank, however honorable, that Lafay- that those resolutions will receive the unaniette was worthy of our contemplation; he mous approbation of this body, composed of sought effective service, he sealed his attach- the immediate Representatives of the people of ment to our cause with his blood at Brandy- the United States of America. wine, and in that great catastrophe which placed in our hands a British commander and all his army at Yorktown, he occupied a striking position in the busy and interesting scene. The judgment of Washington having given him command of the American forces in the storming of a redoubt, while the French, in another column, were ordered simultaneously to attack another, Lafayette obtained the palm, having carried his redoubt some minutes in advance of

the French coluinn. But his services to the

cause of these States were not merely of a military character; he served us equally in a political as in a commercial point of view. He made frequent visits to France, and he used them for the purpose of strengthening our connections with that country, and bringing its wealth by commercial operations in aid of our exhausted resources. He has a farther recommendation to our affection and respect, as the friend of temperate and regulated liberty in his own country. From the first moment of the French revolution he was the decided advocate of its general principle, and he was the advocate of that form of civil liberty, which he conceived best adapted to the circumstances and genius of France, a limited monarchy accompanied with a deliberative body. He once thought that he had attained this object, but the excesses which followed prostrated all his fond hopes, and he himself falling into the clutches of despotic power, was thrown into the dungeons of Olmutz. A better state of things afterwards succeeded, and he returned to his country, where he had the immortal honor of putting on record his vote (almost a solitary one) against the enormous grants of power to the late ruler of France. He is still the intrepid friend of her chartered rights. As such, he has claims on the respect of the friends of freedom in all countries. But, here, he has so many claims to that regard, that it would be an imputation on the American character to suppose, that the measure now proposed will not meet with the hearty concurrence of every member of this House.

|

The question being put on the adoption of the amendment, it passed unanimously in the affirmative: and the resolution, as amended, was ordered to be engrossed for a third reading.

Deprecation of European Combinations to Re-
subjugate the Independent American States
of Spanish Origin.

sired to lay on the table for consideration:
Mr. CLAY offered the following, which he de-

"Resolved by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States of America, in Congress assembled, That the people of these States would not see, without serious inquietude, any forcible interposition by the Allied powers of Europe in behalf of Spain, to reduce to their former subjection those parts of the continent of America which have proclaimed ent Governments, and which have been solemnly reand established for themselves, respectively, independcognized by the United States."

The Committee of the Whole having resumed the consideration of the resolution recommending an appropriation to defray the expense of a mission to Greece,

Mr. POINSETT, of South Carolina, then rose, and addressed the House as follows:

To view this question calmly and dispassionately as a statesman ought to do, requires us to exercise the utmost control over our feelings,

It is impossible to contemplate the contest between the Greeks and the Turks, so eloquently described by the gentleman from Massachusetts, without feeling the strongest indignation at the barbarous atrocities committed by the infidel oppressor, and the deepest interest in the cause of a brave people struggling alone, against fearful odds, to shake off the yoke of despotism.

Our sympathies are always with the oppressed-our feelings are always engaged in the cause of liberty. In favor of Greece, they are still more strongly excited by recollections, which the scholar cherishes with delight, and which are associated in our minds with every pure and exalted sentiment.

Mr. WARFIELD said, the resolutions now under The descendants of that illustrious people, to consideration, which were originally introduced whom we owe our arts, our sciences, and, except by his friend and colleague, had his entire and our religion, every thing which gives a charm most cordial approbation. It is not, said Mr. to life, must command our warmest interest: W., my purpose on this occasion to recount the but the Greeks have other claims to our symsignal services rendered to this country, when pathies. They are not only heirs of the imin her utmost need, by the great, the good, the mortal fame of their ancestors-they are the illustrious Lafayette: they have been expa-rivals of their virtues. In their heroic struggle tiated on by the gentleman from Louisiana, (Mr. LIVINGSTON;) they are in the distinct recollection of every member of this House; they are indelibly imprinted on every American heart; they are recorded; they adorn the faithful page of history, and will be read and admired by ages yet to come. My only object,

for freedom, they have exhibited a persevering courage, a spirit of enterprise, and a contempt of danger and of suffering worthy the best days of ancient Greece. The enthusiasm and liberality manifested in their cause, by our fellow-citizens throughout the Union, are, in the highest degree, honorable to their feelings. As men, we must

JANUARY, 1824.]

The Greek Cause.

[H. OF R.

It appears to me, that in the consideration of this question we have been misled by comparing this revolution with that of Spanish America. And I have heard it argued that, as we sent commissioners to Buenos Ayres without rousing the jealousy of any nation, and recognized the independence of those Governments without exciting the hostility of Spain, we may do the same in relation to Greece, without offending any nation in Europe.

applaud their generosity, and may imitate their | expressions calculated to irritate that court as example. But the duty of a statesman is a much as if we were to send a commission to stern duty. As Representatives of the people, Greece. These expressions of ardent wishes for we have no right to indulge our sympathies, the success of the Greeks are honorable to the however noble, or to give way to our feelings, Executive, and will be echoed back by the nahowever generous. We are to regard only the tion. They may be so by this House with policy of a measure submitted to our considera- safety, and that expression of our interest in tion. Our first, and most important duty, is to their welfare and success would have all the maintain peace, whenever that can be done cheering influence the gentleman anticipates consistently with the honor and safety of the from the measure he proposes. nation; and we ought to be slow to adopt any measure which might involve us in a war, except where those great interests are concerned. The gentleman disclaims any such intention. He does not believe that we run the slightest risk, by adopting the resolution on your table. He considers it as a pacific measure, and relies entirely upon the discretion of the President, to accept or reject our recommendation, as the interests of the country may require. The object of passing such a resolution can only be to give Mr. RANDOLPH then rose and said, that this was an impulse to the Executive, and to induce him, perhaps one of the finest and the prettiest by an expression of the opinion of this House, themes for declamation ever presented to a deto send a commission to Greece. I have as liberative assembly. But it appeared to him in great a reliance upon the discretion of the Ex- a light very different from any that had as yet ecutive as the gentleman from Massachusetts. been thrown upon it. He looked at the measI believe that he would resist the suggestion of ure as one fraught with deep and deadly danger this House in favor of any measure, if he thought to the best interests and to the liberties of the the public interest required him to do so. But, American people; and so satisfied was he of unless we wish and expect him to act upon our this, that he had been constrained by that conrecommendation, we ought not to throw upon viction to overcome the almost insuperable rehim, alone, the responsibility of resisting the pugnance he felt to throwing himself upon the strong public feeling which has been excited on notice of the House, but he felt it his duty to this subject. The question for us to consider raise his voice against both the propositions. appears to me to be, whether, if the power He would not at this time go at length into the rested with us, we would exercise it to this ex-subject; his intention, in rising, was merely to tent. I think we could not do so, without in- move that the committee rise, and that both of curring some risk of involving the country in a the resolutions might be printed. He wished war foreign to its interests. Let us suppose that to have some time to think of this businessthese commissioners were to fall into the hands to deliberate, before we took this leap in the of the Turks; an event by no means impossible, dark into the Archipelago, or the Black Sea, or in the present state of Greece-what would be into the wide mouth of the La Plata. He might their fate? The Porte has not been remarkable be permitted to add one or two other views. for its strict observance of the laws of nations, He knew, he said, that the post of honor was on in its intercourse with the powers of Europe; the other side of the House, the post of toil and and it is not probable, that such a court would of difficulty on this side; if, indeed, anybody be very scrupulous in its conduct towards a na- should be with him on this side. It was a diftion whose flag it has never acknowledged. Or, ficult and an invidious task to stem the torrent let us imagine, what is much more probable, that of public sentiment when all the generous feelon the rumor of our having taken any measure ings of the human heart were appealed to. in favor of Greece, the barbarous and infuriated But, sir, said Mr. R., I was delegated to this Janissaries at Smyrna were to assassinate our House to guard the interests of the people of the Consul and fellow-citizens residing there; might|United States, not to guard the rights of other not a war grow out of such acts? The gentleman from Massachusetts said, yesterday, that we had already taken steps, which would offend the Ottoman Porte as much as the one he proposed. Money has been freely and publicly contributed in aid of the Greeks. What we have done in that respect is common to all Christian Europe. Large sums have been contributed for that purpose in England, in Germany, and even in Russia. He said, too, that the Executive, in the Secretary's letter to the agent of the Greek Government, and subsequently in his Message to Congress, has used

people; and if it was doubted, even in the case of England, the land fertile above all others (not excepting Greece herself) in great men—if it was doubtful whether her interference in the politics of the Continent, though separated from it only by a narrow frith, were either for her honor or advantage; if the effect of that interference has been a monumental debt, that paralyzes the arm that certainly would have struck for Spain, can it be for us to seek in the very bottom of the Mediterranean for a quarrel with the Ottoman Porte? And this while we have an ocean rolling between? While we are in

that sea without a single port in which to refit a ship? And while the powers of Barbary lie in succession in our path? Shall we open this Pandora's box of political evils? It has been wisely and truly said, that it is possible the mere rumor of our interference may produce at Constantinople, or at Smyrna, that which will drive us at once into a war. We all know the connection that subsists between the Barbary States and what we may denominate the Mother Power. Are we prepared for a war with these pirates? (not that we are not perfectly competent to such a war, but) does it suit our financies? Does it, sir, suit our magnificent project of roads and canals? Does it suit the temper of our people? Does it promote their interests? Will it add to their happiness? Sir, why did we remain supine, while Piedmont and Naples | were crushed by Austria? Why did we stand aloof, while the Spanish peninsula was again reduced under legitimate government? If we did not interfere then, why now? Sir, I refer you to the memorable attempted interference of that greatest of statesmen, when he was in the zenith of his glory-when all his dazzling beams were unshorn. You know I mean Mr. Pitt; and I refer you, as a commentary on that attempted interference, to the speech of Mr. Fox -a speech fraught with the wisdom of a real statesman. [Here Mr. R. paused.]

The question was put, and the committee rose, reported progress, and had leave to sit again; and, on motion of Mr. TAYLOR, the resolutions were ordered to be printed.

THURSDAY, January 22.
The Greek Cause.

The House then again resolved itself into a Committee of the Whole on the state of the Union, and resumed the consideration of Mr. WEBSTER'S resolution, for sending an agent to Greece, and the amendment thereto proposed by Mr. POINSETT, which proposes to limit the resolve to the expression of a sentiment decisively favorable to the Greek cause.

[JANUARY, 1824.

be conceded by gentlemen on the other side, that this was a measure which had its origin, principally, in feeling. That a very strong popular excitement did exist at this moment on the subject, could not be denied; and how far the feelings of a virtuous, intelligent, and reflecting people, ought to influence their legislators, he should not undertake to determine; he did not, for a moment, suppose that a legislative body was the only assemblage of citizens who were competent to judge and determine a question of this kind. But there was a wide and important distinction between assemblages of the people, gathered together in masses without responsibility, and those who were bound by their office and their oath to deliberate with their calmest judgment, and whose decisions were to be followed with momentous consequences.

The people, gathered in large assemblies, feel a generous pride in expressing their warmest feelings. The noble glow of sympathy catches from heart to heart; the feeling rises with the numbers who partake in it, till each man feels his bosom swell with a big emotion, the result of the congregated feeling. But, sir, while such meetings are held, and such emotions experienced, do the people, sir, expect that you shall be governed, in solemn acts of legislation, by the resolutions they pass? Were you to yield yourselves to such a governance, you would betray the confidence reposed in you. Not that you have more wisdom than they, but that you are intrusted with the administration of their Government. They tell you that they love liberty-that they deplore the calamities and sufferings of the oppressed Greeksthat they rejoice and exult in all their triumphs. Well, sir, what is the conclusion? This: that if sound wisdom shall direct you to engage in any active measures on the subject, you have an ardent and an energetic people to back you. Ought you not to pause, Mr. Chairman, before you commit such a people, noble, gallant, generous, now enjoying unprecedented happiness, and in the full possession of all the blessings of peace, to all the privations, the untried horrors of war? To judge of your duty, select any individual who has been a member of one of these popular meetings, who has been the most enthusiastic of all who were present, and who there passed resolutions, couched in the most glowing language; select him from that meeting, (where he was without responsibility,) place him in the solitude of his chamber, tell him he must now act, and act under the whole

Mr. CUTHBERT, (who had, by the custom of the House, the right to the floor, having last evening moved that the committee rise,) in introducing his remarks, observed something in relation to his state of bodily health, which we did not distinctly hear; but he said that, even if he could have supposed that any observations of his would have any weight with the House, he had the less reason to regret his state, either of body or mind, after the eloquent speech delivered by the gentleman from New Hamp-responsibility of the happiness or the distress of shire, (Mr. BARTLETT.) He believed there were few gentlemen present, yesterday, whose minds had not received a strong impression from that speech; he felt certain that it had a sensible influence on the opinion of this House, and, therefore, (being on this question of similar opinions to that gentleman,) he regretted the less any disability of his own.

He believed, in the first place, that it would

his country-passion departs he begins to pause, and to reflect, and he invokes, not passion, but wisdom, for his guide. It is thus that these very people expect and demand of you to act.

What does such a reflection naturally suggest to us? That we should make a comparison between our Government, and those under which this very nation of the Greeks once lived.

JANUARY, 1824.]

The Greek Cause.

[H. OF R.

We

Shall I be told that it is but the declamation of owe to Greece a debt which you ought to repay a school-boy to talk of ancient Greece? I an- in kind. Is it a debt for physical aid? Is it for swer, that sentiment is worthy only of those any thing she ever did for us by physical force? enslaved countries where it is the fashion, be- No, sir; it is for moral aid; for the force of cause it is the interest of their oppressors, to her example; it is for the spirit and sentiments cast every species of ridicule and sneer upon of her writers, which have passed into our republican Governments. Shall we, on this ac- mind; it is for the lessons she has taught us in count, deny ourselves the solid benefit of the the love and the defence of freedom; it is for experience of other republics? Those who live the warnings we have received from her misunder the monarchical Governments of Europe fortunes; for the spirit, in a word, that her are liable to be misled on this subject, by the works and her words have poured into our cant of their writers-from the humblest jour- souls. What, then, is our proper, our best ronal of the day, to the largest and weightiest turn? It is to raise her depressed children by tome that engrosses the shelf of their libraries, the example of our free Government-a Govall hold one language-a regular war is waged ernment possessing some excellencies and adwith the principles of free government; if we vantages that hers never had, even in their join in the adoption of such anti-republican | brightest day. This is the example we are to sentiments, we aid this band of conspirators in set them, and not that of foreign wars. the servile design of degrading and debasing are to show them the blessings of freedom, as the human family. No, sir. We are warrant-reduced to a practical and a permanent formed in appealing for facts to aid us to the history to show them a people happy, and proud of the of Greece-it is our duty to look carefully at lot they enjoy. that history. And what do we find, sir? that the Grecian republics had all the soul and fire of liberty, but that they wanted intelligence, and a regular plan in its enjoyment and its preservation. Hence, we see them split up into contending factions; and so bitter were their mutual hatred and animosity, and so fierce the rage of their contests, that, in some instances, whole communities were destroyed, wars of annihilation were carried on between neighboring States, and scenes occurred on the Grecian soil, over which freedom and humanity mingle their tears. But how, sir, is the case with us? Under an administration of mild and equal laws, we are at this hour in the enjoyment of the utmost practicable measure of personal liberty. We are blessed with profound peace, and the humblest and most timid man among us is in the full possession of absolute security in person and property.

Sir, this night every weak and shrinking female, every helpless infant, in all this land, lies down in peace, and may sink into unbroken slumber, conscious of being safe from harm. To-morrow, every vigorous man, with robust limb, with active and enterprising mind, will be engaged with ardor in all that can advance his own and his country's prosperity, in all that enlightens and ennobles man. The sustaining nergy of a free Government pervades the land, and raises and strengthens the character of all who inhabit it. In such a country, wars can never be waged for glory and empire. The most ambitious leader, who would persuade us into a war, must profess that it is a war for the right; he dare not even breathe the sentiment that it is undertaken only for glory. Surely this reflection ought to prove to us a warning on an occasion like this; for, be it remembered, that, by all the acts in which it is engaged, this infant nation is stamping its character for future ages.

There is one question I would ask of this committee. I would ask it emphatically. You

How cautious, then, should we be that we do not, by bringing disaster on our hitherto happy experiment, blast the rising cause of freedom (check it, rather, for rise it will) throughout the world. Let us take care that we do not make our case a warning against free Governments, instead of the strongest of arguments in their favor. And what, sir, is the process by which you are to spread the influence of your free principles and free institutions? Not by wars, but by a friendly intercourse with Europe; by writings, by personal conversation, and by the speeches of your statesmen. By means like these, the rapid contagion of enlightened principles will spread from land to land. Men easily imbibe right principles on politics, when once they are suggested to them. The plainest and the humblest peasant can be made to understand that men are born equal, and have equal rights; all he needs is to be convinced that these principles, so true and so plain in themselves, can be carried out into a practical government. The literati of Europe know this, and some of them spread the truth in their writings. Their statesmen know it, too, and some of these, too, recommend it. The honest common people acknowledge the truth, and long for its benefits. They have the demonstration of the truth brought to their very senses: they see and know our seamen, our merchants, and their families, and they know that there does exist a country that fosters in its bosom a free, proud, and energetic people, who know how to protect their rights and their honor. Such a state of things now exists that these people inhale some notions of freedom with the very atmosphere they breathe-and as they breathe it they come to love those rights. Despotism, on the other hand, is founded on the ignorance, prejudice, timidity, and depression of the people: but that ignorance is dissipating those prejudices are weakeningthat fear is dispelling-the people are fast rising in the scale of being. How unwise would it be,

The Greek Cause.