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H. OF R.]

The Floridas-Bill to take Possession.

TUESDAY, February 27.

Increase of the Navy.

The House then, on motion of Mr. BARBOUR of Virginia, resolved itself into a Committee of the Whole, on the bill to amend the act for the gradual increase of the Navy, so as to reduce the annual appropriation therefor from one million to half a million dollars per annum, and extend the term of appropriation from three to six years.

Mr. BARBOUR indicated his intention to propose an amendment to the bill, the object of which was to limit the reduced appropriation to three years; his object being to have the ships contemplated to be built, so far completed as regarded the frames of them, as to be in a state to be secured and covered in by houses built over them. Mr. B. explained at large his views of this subject, the leading feature of which was, that however advisable it might be to build more ships, it was not necessary at present to put them afloat. He therefore moved that the committee rise, with a view to moving that the bill lie on the table, giving notice that at 12 o'clock to morrow, he should call it up, with a view to moving the amendment which he had indicated.

Mr. FULLER rose merely to say, that when the amendment should be before the House, he should endeavor to show why, in his opinion, the bill should not be adopted at this session at least.

The committee then rose, and, on motion of Mr. BARBOUR, the bill was laid on the table.

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shall be passed in conformity thereto, by which any citizen of either of the United States shall be excluded from the enjoyment of any of the privileges and immunities to which such citizens are entitled under the Constitution of the dent of the United States, in pursuance of the resolution of United States:"Now, therefore, I, JAMES MONROE, PresiCongress aforesaid, have issued this my Proclamation, announcing the fact, that the said State of Missouri has assented to the fundamental condition required by the resolution of Congress aforesaid; whereupon the admission of the said State of Missouri into this Union is declared to be complete.

In testimony whereof, I have caused the seal of the United States of America to be affixed to these presents, and signed the same with my hand. Done at

[L. 8.] the City of Washington, the tenth day of August, 1821; and of the Independence of the said United States of America the forty-sixth.

JAMES MONROE.

By the President:
JOHN QUINCY ADAMS, Secretary of State.

[MARCH, 1821.

The SPEAKER put the previous question of consideration on this motion, and it was determined in the affirmative. Mr. SERGEANT moved The resolution was then agreed to. The SPEAKto lay it on the table, which was negatived. ER then laid before the House letters from E. DeKrafft, Elliot & Irvine, Davis & Force, and Gales & Seaton, offering themselves as candidates for this employment; the first named offering to do the work for 25 per cent. less than the prices established by the act of March 3, 1819, and the second named offering to do it for 25 per cent. less. An attempt was then made by Mr. ALLEN, of Massachusetts, and Mr. WOOD, of New York, to suspend or dispense with the election; but the motion for that purpose was pronounced out of order, the House having determined to proceed forthwith to the election. The House then balloted accordingly, and the tellers (Mr. Gross, Mr. BEECHER, and Mr. COBB) reported that the votes wereFor Gales & Seaton

Elliot & Irvine Davis & Force E. DeKrafft

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The House proceeded to consider the bill to amend an act, entitled "An act for regulating process in the courts of the United States;" whereupon it was ordered to be engrossed, and read a third time to-day.

The House then adjourned until five o'clock, P. M.

FIVE O'CLOCK, P. M. The Floridas-Bill to take Possession, and for Temporary Government.

The House again resolved itself into a Committee of the Whole on the state of the Union; and, after some time spent therein, the Speaker resumed the chair, and Mr. LATHROP reported that the committee had again had the state of the Union under consideration, and directed him to report the bill thereto committed on the 27th February ultimo, for carrying into execution the treaty between the United States and Spain, concluded at Washington the 22d of which were read, and concurred in by the February, 1819, with several amendments; House.

The bill was then further amended; and A motion was made by Mr. ALLEN, of Massachusetts, further to amend the same by inserting, after the word Territories, where it first occurs in the second section, these words: "not incompatible with the Constitution and laws of the United States;" so that the civil, military, and judicial powers exercised by the Spanish authorities within the territories of East and

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Mr. CLAY rose, and addressed the House to the following effect:

I rise to submit a motion, which, if it should conciliate the general concurrence of this House, I shall be extremely glad. The present session was commenced under very unpleasant auspices. In the appointment of a presiding officer of the House, the first manifestation was made of that unfortunate division of opinion which has been the peculiar characteristic of the session. The storin has happily subsided, and we have the great satisfaction to behold the ship of our Confederacy unimpaired by its rage; her hull, her rigging, and her patriotic crew completely fit for a long and glorious voyage, under the starspangled banner which proudly floats aloft.

The moral of that agitating drama, of which for more than two years past our country has been the theatre, is that, whilst our Federal Union is admirably fitted to accomplish all the national purposes for which it was intended, there are delicate subjects, exclusively appertaining to the several States, which cannot be touched but by them, without the greatest hazard to the public tranquillity. They resemble those secluded apartments in our respective domicils, which are dedicated to family privacy, into which our nearest and best neighbors should not enter. Let us terminate the session by making that officer the depository of our entire reconciliation, whose election first elicited our divisions, and whose situation has been extremely arduous and difficult. For my part, I have great pleasure in testifying to the assiduity, impartiality, ability, and promptitude, with which he has administered the duties of the Chair since I was able to take my seat. I move the following resolution:

Thus the bill for the temporary government of Florida, being a bill for the temporary continuation of the Spanish despotism there, was passed without a division; and the motion to amend that bill so as to make it compatible with the Constitution and laws of the United States, was negatived, and also without a division.

[H. OF R.

Resolved, That the thanks of this House be given to the honorable JOHN W. TAYLOR, for the assiduity, promptitude, and ability, with which he has administered the duties of the Chair.

Mr. NELSON, of Virginia, (who was temporarily in the Chair,) having stated the question— obtain a unanimous vote. Mr. RHEA said he hoped this resolution would He had been long a member of this House, and he had never seen the duties of the Chair discharged more satisfactorily than by the present Speaker.

faction he should vote for this resolution, beMr. HARDIN said, that it was with great satiscause it met his entire approbation. To be candid, the Speaker had, in the discharge of the duties of the Chair, far outgone his expectations; and he would vote him the thanks proposed with a great deal of pleasure.

The question was then taken on agreeing to the resolution, and decided in the affirmative, one negative voice only being heard.

Closing Business.

The House proceeded to consider the amendments proposed by the Senate to the bill, entitled "An act to authorize the President of the United States to borrow a sum not exceeding four millions five hundred thousand dollars;" and the same being read twice, were disagreed to.

That portion of the said bill to which the third amendment proposed by the Senate applies, reads thus, viz: reimbursable at the will of the Government, and at the will of the creditor, at any time after the first day of January, 1835."

The third amendment of the Senate proposes to strike out the words, and at the will of the creditor.

Mr. BARBOUR moved to amend the said third amendment so as to make the aforesaid clause in the bill read thus: "reimbursable at the will of the Government at any time before the first day of January, 1835; and at the will either of the Government or the creditor, at any time after that period."

And the question being taken to agree to this amendment, it was determined in the negative; and the said amendment was then concurred in. by the House.

The Speaker's Address.

Mr. TAYLOR, the Speaker, rose and addressed the House, as follows:

Gentlemen of the House of Representatives:

Deeply penetrated with a sense of the kindness and liberality, which, in terms, and from a source the most flattering, have dictated the recent expression of your approbation, I shall ever esteem it the highest reward of my public services. If the duties of the Chair have been discharged in any degree to your satisfaction, it is attributable chiefly to those feelings of generosity which have covered my numerous errors, and which have rendered to purity of motive the deference due to superior merit. My inexperience has been compensated by your prudent coun

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Inauguration of the President.

[MARCH, 1821. sels, and by a dignified deportment, which has seldom | the United States, and inform him that the two required the interposition of a presiding officer. Houses of Congress are about to adjourn if he Entertaining, gentlemen, for every member of this has no further communications to make to them, House no other sentiment than respect and friend-reported that the committee had waited upon ship; endeared to many by recollections of united the President of the United States, and was indeliberation and effort, in a period of great national formed by him that he had no further comembarrassmert; and grateful to all for the magnani-munications to make to Congress at the presmous support which constantly has been afforded me, ent session..

I shall never cease to rejoice in your individual welfare.

Carry with you, gentlemen, to the bosom of your families and friends my best wishes for your prosperity, and, under the protecting care of a benign Providence, may each of you enjoy the continued confidence of the wise and good, and largely contribute to perpetuate the union and glory of our common country.

Mr. SMITH, of Maryland, from the joint committee appointed to wait on the President of

A message from the Senate informed the House that the Senate, having completed the Legislative business before them, are now ready to adjourn.

A message was then sent to the Senate, by the Clerk, to inform them that the House is also ready to adjourn.

The Clerk having gone with the said message, and being returned, the Speaker adjourned the House, sine die.

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INAUGURATION OF THE PRESIDENT.

[From the National Intelligencer of Tuesday, March 6, 1821.]

The inauguration of the President of the Unit- | ladies and privileged persons were seated, as the ed States, whose second term of service com-room could accommodate. On the entrance menced yesterday, took place according to pre- and exit of the President, the music of the vious arrangement. The oath of office having Marine Band enlivened the scene, which was been administered to the President, by Chief altogether characterized by simple grandeur Justice Marshall, he delivered the speech which and splendid simplicity. will be found annexed.

mittance, that no accident occurred to mar the enjoyment of those who had the pleasure to witness this truly Republican ceremony.

It is well, considering the great crowd which The day proved very unfavorable for the at- filled the avenues to the door of the Representtendance of spectators, there having fallen dur-atives' chamber, and pressed onwards for ading the preceding night a good deal of snow and rain; notwithstanding which, an immense crowd thronged the doors of the Capitol. The number of persons who obtained admission within the walls of the Representatives' chamber (gallery of course included) could not have been less than two thousand.

There was not much form about this ceremony, which, in truth, requires no form but the forms of decency and decorum; but the scene was not the less impressive. The President was placed on the platform in front of the Speaker's Chair; the Chief Justice stood by his side during the delivery of the speech. The Associate Judges, the President of the Senate, the Speaker of the House of Representatives, the Heads of Departments, and many of our distinguished Military and Naval Officers, were near him. Assigned to their proper places were the members of the various Foreign Legations. The seats in the interior were principally occupied by a numerous collection of ladies; and all around, above, and below, were countless numbers of the people, of whom, without discrimination, as many were admitted. after the

Inaugural Speech.

Yesterday, at 12 o'clock, on taking the oath to support the Constitution of the United States, the following speech was delivered by JAMES MONROE, President of the United States:

FELLOW-CITIZENS: I shall not attempt to describe the grateful emotions which the new and very distinguished proof of the confidence of my fellow-citizens, evinced by my re-election to this high trust, has excited in my bosom. The approbation which it announces of my conduct, in the preceding term, affords me a consolation which I shall profoundly feel through life. The general accord with which it has been extions which it imposes. To merit the continuance of pressed, adds to the great and never-ceasing obligathis good opinion, and to carry it with me into my retirement, as the solace of advancing years, will be the object of my most zealous and unceasing efforts.

Having no pretension to the high and commanding claims of my predecessors, whose names are so much more conspicuously identified with our Revolution,

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and who contributed so pre-eminently to promote its success, I consider myself rather as the instrument than the cause of the union which has prevailed in the late election. In surmounting, in favor of my humble pretensions, the difficulties which so often produce division in like occurrences, it is obvious that other powerful causes, indicating the great strength and stability of our Union, have essentially contributed to draw you together. That these powerful causes exist, and that they are permanent, is my fixed opinion; that they may produce a like accord in all questions, touching, however remotely, the liberty, prosperity, and happiness of our country, will always be the object of my most fervent prayers to the Supreme Author of all good.

In a Government which is founded by the people, who possess exclusively the sovereignty, it seems proper that the person who may be placed by their suffrages in this high trust, should declare, on commencing its duties, the principles on which he intends to conduct the Administration. If the person, thus elected, has served the preceding term, an opportunity is afforded him to review its principal occurrences, and to give such further explanation respecting them as, in his judgment, may be useful to his constituents. The events of one year have influence on those of another; and, in like manner, of a preceding on the succeeding Administration. The movements of a great nation are connected in all their parts. If errors have been committed, they ought to be corrected; if the policy is sound, it ought to be supported. It is by a thorough knowledge of the whole subject that our fellow-citizens are enabled to judge correctly of the past, and to give a proper direction to the future.

Just before the commencement of the last term, the United States had concluded a war with a very powerful nation, on conditions equal and honorable to both parties. The events of that war are too recent, and too deeply impressed on the memory of all, to require a development from me. Our commerce had been, in a great measure, driven from the sea; our Atlantic and inland frontiers were invaded in almost every part; the waste of life along our coast, and on some parts of our inland frontiers, to the defence of which our gallant and patriotic citizens were called, was immense; in addition to which, not less than one hundred and twenty millions of dollars were added at its end to the public debt.

As soon as the war had terminated, the nation, admonished by its events, resolved to place itself in a situation which should be better calculated to prevent the recurrence of a like evil, and, in case it should recur, to mitigate its calamities. With this view, after reducing our land force to the basis of a peace establishment, which has been further modified since, provision was made for the construction of fortifications at proper points, through the whole extent of our coast, and such an augmentation of our naval force, as should be well adapted to both purposes. The laws, making this provision, were passed in 1815 and 1816, and it has been since, the constant effort of the Executive to carry them into effect.

The advantage of these fortifications, and of an augmented naval force, in the extent contemplated, in point of economy, has been fully illustrated, by a report of the Board of Engineers and Naval Commissioners, lately communicated to Congress, by which it appears, that in an invasion by twenty thousand men, with a correspondent naval force, in

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a campaign of six months only, the whole expense of the construction of the works would be defrayed by the difference in the sum necessary to maintain the force which would be adequate to our defence with the aid of those works, and that which would be incurred without them. The reason of this difference is obvious. If fortifications are judiciously placed on our great inlets, as distant from our cities as circumstances will permit, they will form the only points of attack, and the enemy will be detained there by a small, regular force, a sufficient time to enable our militia to collect, and repair to that on which the attack is made. A force adequate to the enemy, collected at that single point, with suitable preparation for such others as might be menaced, is all that would be requisite. But, if there were no fortifications, then the enemy might go where he pleased, and, changing his position, and sailing from place to place, our force must be called out and spread in vast numbers along the whole coast, and on both sides of every bay and river, as high up in each as it might be navigable for ships of war. By these fortifications, supported by our navy, to which they would afford like support, we should present to other powers an armed front from St. Croix to the Sabine, which would protect, in the event of war, our whole coast and interior from invasion; and even in the wars of other powers, in which we were neutral, they would be found eminently useful, as, by keeping their public ships at a distance from our cities, peace and order in them would be preserved, and the Government be protected from insult.

It need scarcely be remarked, that these measures have not been resorted to in a spirit of hostility to other powers. Such a disposition does not exist towards any power. Peace and good will have been, and will hereafter be, cultivated with all, and by the most faithful regard to justice. They have been dictated by a love of peace, of economy, and an earnest desire to save the lives of our fellow-citizens from that destruction, and our country from that devastation, which are inseparable from war, when it finds us unprepared for it. It is believed, and experience has shown, that such a preparation is the best expedient that can be resorted to, to prevent war. I add with much pleasure, that considerable progress has already been made in these measures of defence, and that they will be completed in a few years, considering the great extent and importance of the object, if the plan be zealously and steadily persevered in.

The conduct of the Government, in what relates to foreign powers, is always an object of the highest importance to the nation. Its agriculture, commerce, manufactures, fisheries, revenue; in short, its peace, may all be affected by it. Attention is, therefore, due to this subject.

At the period adverted to, the powers of Europe, after having been engaged in long and destructive wars with each other, had concluded a peace, which happily still exists. Our peace with the power with whom we had been engaged, had also been concluded. The war between Spain and the colonies in South America, which had commenced many years before, was then the only conflict that remained unsettled. This being a contest between different parts of the same community, in which other powers had not interfered, was not affected by their accommodations.

This contest was considered, at an early stage,

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Inauguration of the President.

[MARCH, 1821.

by my predecessor, a civil war, in which the parties | I have acted on this principle, pardoning those who were entitled to equal rights in our ports. This de- appear to have been led astray by ignorance of the cision, the first made by any power, being formed on criminality of the acts they had committed, and great consideration of the comparative strength and suffering the law to take effect on those only in resources of the parties, the length of time, and suc- whose favor no extenuating circumstances could be cessful opposition made by the colonies, and of all urged. other circumstances on which it ought to depend, was in strict accord with the law of nations. Congress has invariably acted on this principle, having made no change in our relations with either party. Our attitude has, therefore, been that of neutrality between them, which has been maintained by the Government with the strictest impartiality. No aid has been afforded to either, nor has any privilege been enjoyed by the one, which has not been equally open to the other party; and every exertion has been made in its power, to enforce the execution of the laws prohibiting illegal equipments, with equal rigor against both.

By this equality between the parties, their public vessels have been received in our ports on the same footing; they have enjoyed an equal right to purchase and export arms, munitions of war, and every other supply the exportation of all articles whatever being permitted under laws which were passed long before the commencement of the contest; our citizens have traded equally with both, and their commerce with each has been alike protected by the Govern

ment.

Respecting the attitude which it may be proper for the United States to maintain hereafter between the parties, I have no hesitation in stating it as my opinion, that the neutrality heretofore observed should still be adhered to. From the change in the Government of Spain, and the negotiation now depending, invited by the Cortes and accepted by the colonies, it may be presumed that their differences will be settled on the terms proposed by the colonies. Should the war be continued, the United States, regarding its occurrences, will always have it in their power to adopt such measures respecting it as their honor and interest may require.

Shortly after the general peace, a band of adventurers took advantage of this conflict, and of the facility which it afforded, to establish a system of buccaneering in the neighboring seas, to the great annoyance of the commerce of the United States, and, as was represented, of that of other powers. Of this spirit, and of its injurious bearing on the United States, strong proofs were afforded by the establishment at Amelia Island, and the purposes to which it was made instrumental by this band in 1817, and by the occurrences which took place in other parts of Florida, in 1818, the details of which, in both instances, are too well known to require to be now recited. I am satisfied had a less decisive course been adopted, that the worst consequences would have resulted from it. We have seen that these checks, decisive as they were, were not sufficient to crush that piratical spirit. Many culprits brought within our limits, have been condemned to suffer death, the punishment due to that atrocious crime. The decisions of upright and enlightened tribunals fall equally on all, whose crimes subject them, by a fair interpretation of the law, to its censure. It belongs to the Executive not to suffer the executions, under these decisions, to transcend the great purpose for which punishment is necessary. The full benefit of example being secured, policy, as well as humanity, equally forbids that they should be carried further.

Great confidence is entertained that the treaty with Spain, which has been ratified by both the parties, and the ratifications whereof have been exchanged, has placed the relations of the two countries on a basis of permanent friendship. The provision made by it for such of our citizens as have claims on Spain, of the character described, will, it is presumed, be very satisfactory to them; and the boundary which is established between the territories of the parties, westward of the Mississippi, heretofore in dispute, has, it is thought, been settled on conditions just and advantageous to both. But, to the acquisition of Florida, too much importance cannot be attached. It secures to the United States a territory important in itself, and whose importance is much increased by its bearing on many of the highest interests of the Union. It opens to several of the neighboring States a free passage to the ocean, through the province ceded, by several rivers, having their sources high up within their limits. It secures us against all future annoyance from powerful Indian tribes. It gives us several excellent harbors in the Gulf of Mexico for ships of war of the largest size, It covers, by its position in the Gulf, the Mississippi and other great waters within our extended limits, and thereby enables the United States to afford complete protection to the vast and very valuable productions of our whole Western country, which find a market through those streams.

By a treaty with the British Government, bearing date on the twentieth of October, one thousand eight hundred and eighteen, the convention regulating the commerce between the United States and Great Britain, concluded on the third of July, one thousand eight hundred and fifteen, which was about expiring, was revived and continued for the term of ten years from the time of its expiration. By that treaty, also, the differences which had arisen under the Treaty of Ghent, respecting the right claimed by the United States for their citizens, to take and cure fish on the coast of His Britannic Majesty's dominions in America, with other differences on important interests, were adjusted, to the satisfaction of both parties. No agreement has yet been entered into respecting the commerce between the United States and the British dominions in the West Indies, and on this continent. The restraints imposed on that commerce by Great Britain, and reciprocated by the United States, on a principle of defence, continue still in force.

The negotiation with France for the regulation of the commercial relations between the two countries, which, in the course of last summer, had been commenced at Paris, has since been transferred to this city, and will be pursued, on the part of the United States, in the spirit of conciliation, and with an earnest desire that it may terminate in an arrangement satisfactory to both parties.

Our relations with the Barbary powers are preserved in the same state, and by the same means, that were employed when I came into this office. As early as 1801, it was found necessary to send a squadron into the Mediterranean, for the protection of our commerce, and no period has intervened, a

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