their dues, we shall do well to remember the answer given by an early Christian writer1 to a heathen opponent who complained of the loss which the empire sustained in the refusal of Christians to bestow gifts on the temples, that there was an ample compensation for this in the conscientious strictness with which they paid their taxes. But I doubt whether we could say that in these modern days all who profess Christianity are equally remarkable for scrupulous integrity in such respects, and whether every man who would shrink from the imputation of dishonesty in his private dealings with his neighbours, regards in practice the pecuniary rights of government as no less sacred. Again, while it is certainly the privilege of a Christian as a free citizen of an earthly state to criticize the measures of government, and, if need be, to oppose them, he must remember how inconsistent with the Gospel are acrimony, calumny, and misrepresentation. Yet such weapons, odious and unworthy as they are, seem considered legitimate in political discussions, and even necessary to give them vigour and animation. Yet surely, when so applied, in addition their intrinsic baseness, they involve the guilt of disrespect to authority, and the refusal of honour to whom honour is due. But we may carry our reflections on this point a little further. It is often said that in these days we not only undervalue the claims of our

1 Tertullian, quoted by Neander, Memorials of the Christian Life, P. 37 (Bohn's translation).

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SERMON rulers on our respect and obedience, but that we no longer estimate as we ought that reverence which is the just prerogative of age, or the consideration due to any one towards whom we stand in a subordinate position; nay, that even the sacred authority of parents is weakened, though it not only rests on the foundation of natural affection, but is the earthly symbol of the tie which unites us to God. A hard unblest independence, a mocking, sarcastic tone, an undue respect for mere intellect, and strength of will, and other qualities which, however likely to lead to worldly success, have no honour in Christ's kingdom, unless sanctified by His Spirit, are thought by some to be taking the place of reverence, docility, and meekness. Doubtless, so far as there is any truth in this charge against the present age, the result has followed in part from causes which are themselves in perfect accordance with God's will, such as the growth of knowledge and freedom, increased activity of thought, and material progress. Yet we must take heed that we control by Christianity the streams which bring down to us our rich supplies of wealth and worldly happiness, lest they sweep away ancient landmarks, without which no nation is great or secure, and overwhelm us with a flood of pride and hardness and self-sufficiency.

Let knowledge grow from more to more,

But more of reverence in us dwell,

That mind and soul, according well,

May make one music, as before,

as in ages when, if there was less light, there was SERMON perhaps more love.

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ral connec

ligion and

politics.

36.

5. But we should take a very imperfect view More geneof the passage if we limited its application to the tion of reone duty of obedience. Its lessons are far more varied and comprehensive. The apostle teaches us that the political life of a state, no less than the private life of an individual, must be regulated on Christian principles; and that in legislation, in commerce, in the administration of justice, we must try to learn the will of Him by whom all things were ordained. Here again, the passage is opposed to opinions more or less widely prevalent. It is the fashion to maintain that the domains of religion and politics are absolutely separate, that because Christ's Joh. xviii. kingdom is not of this world, therefore the affairs of this world may be regulated without reference to His will. It has been said, for instance, that we can no more speak of a Christian government than of a Christian system of roads and canals. Such endeavours to degrade and demoralize national life are at once overthrown by the simple words, The powers that be are ordained of God: he is the minister of God to thee for good: he beareth not the sword in vain, for he is the minister of God, a revenger to execute wrath upon every soul that doeth evil: they are God's ministers, attending continually upon this very thing. If earthly authorities are God's ministers, to God they are responsible, and must exercise their ministry accord

XI.

SERMON ing to His will. And this, brethren, leads to inferences of the widest application, directly affecting every member of this congregation, whether nominally connected with government or not. For in "our kingly commonwealth of England," as it has been grandly called', all men are in one sense governors, all have an influence on the administration of affairs, all have that liberty of discussion which is the guarantee of all other liberties, all help to form that mass of public opinion by which governments are greatly guided, all, therefore, can help to make our laws and policy either Christian or unchristian. Doubtless it might be very convenient for those whose highest object is the prosperity of trade, the increase of their own wealth, or the gratification of their own ambition, if this wide and important part of human life could be exempted from the restraints of Christian obligation. And I quite admit that no system of political science can be found in the Bible, for its teaching is not meant to supersede the experience, the thought, and the research of statesmen, and jurists, and economists. But still it gives us principles which no sound statesmanship, and righteous laws, and wise economy will ever contradict. And in truth Christians may thankfully acknowledge that these principles, though sometimes grievously forgotten, have often been loyally recognized in the history of modern civilization. It is owing to the Gospel only, and the efforts 1 Arnold, Lectures on Modern History.

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of those who heartily believed it, that a thousand SERMON barbarous customs have disappeared from society, and that a thousand humane and Christian laws are included in our statute-book. It is through its blessed influence that the rest of the Lord's day is secured to the workman whose hand or head is wearied with daily toil; that the curse of slavery has disappeared from every corner of the British empire; that in our crowded factories at home, leisure is provided for the teaching of the young; that in our penal code, the arrangements of our jails, our whole treatment of criminals, European and Asiatic alike, severity is tempered by mercy; that the worth and greatness of the spiritual element in man is in many ways recognized by our rulers, as well as the importance of material progress. And so too there are many subjects now under discussion in this country which can only be properly treated under the light of Christianity. How to settle the relation of English residents to the native population, so as neither to check the civilizing influence of the former, nor degrade and oppress the latter; how to deal with the falsities, the superstitions, the immoralities of the religions around us, so as to give no sanction to wickedness, but yet not to violate the principles of justice and freedom; how to regulate the production and sale of a noxious drug, so as to do the least possible injury to those whom no legislation can wean from its use, always bearing in mind that the gain derived from it has in times past led us into courses