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reports.

Mr. Milnes said it seemed to him, that in a case of this sort, where the agent was sent out as the officer of the Government, there was a perfect right on the part of the Ministry to alter his reports in any way necessary to render them official documents; and he would further say that he had for one derived satisfaction from the perusal of these reports, and he hoped that her Majesty's Government would never hesitate on proper occasions to propose a similar course, nor could he well conceive of any mode in which public money could be more advantageously laid out than in the collection of such valuable information.

of his experience, that so far from whatever in the statistical portion of the public appointments, especially of this nature, being sources of great emolument, the individuals filling these offices were often obliged (as in the case of Lord Sydenham had actually, after all, been the fact) to make no inconsider able payments out of their private purses. Certainly men were always found ready to accept and even to ask for these foreign appointments, but this was from the natural feeling of ambition, and desire to have honourable and useful employment in the public service, and it rarely or never happened, that the occupants of these offices, even for considerable periods, augmented their private fortunes. As this was the case, it seemed to him, that it would be unjust in the State to take advantage of this feeling in the public mind, and to say, "Since there are always to be found men willing to take these appointments, they shall always pay for them; we will not allow a sufficient support to them, but put the offices up to public auction and give them to the lowest bidder." As to what had fallen from the hon. and gallant Member for Lincoln, with respect to the expenses incurred for Dr. Bowring's services, he did not think it necessary to repeat the conclusive answers upon that point which had been formerly given.

An hon. Member said this had ever struck him as one of the worst jobs ever perpetrated even by the most jobbing of Governments.

Vote agreed to.

PUBLIC

SUPPLY ROYAL PALACES · DISTRESS.] On the question that a sum not exceeding 51,6547. 10s. be granted to defray the expenses of works and repairs in public buildings.

Mr. Williams observed, that the sum to be expended on account of the Royal palaces would be greater this year than for some previous years a sum not less than 49,5007.; and many of these palaces were not inhabited by any Members of the Royal family, but were tenanted by persons who held them by favour and without any public service or any claim whatever. Such was the case with Hampton-court and Kew. The latter was kept

Lord C. Hamilton said, without impeaching either the services of the learned doctor, or the justice of his remuneration, he would take the liberty of asking (as it seemed certainly but fair that the country should have the full benefit of those services) whether it were true, as he had heard it asserted (and so commonly that he should think the noble Lord op-up for a foreign prince. The King of Haposite would feel glad of an opportunity of contradicting it, were it untrue), that the reports of the learned doctor had been greatly curtailed and altered by the noble Lord lately at the head of the Foreignoffice?

Viscount Palmerston said, he certainly had struck out the word "sovereign," applied in several places to Mehemet Ali, owing to his learned Friend's zeal in the Pacha's cause, which phrase did not seem to him quite correct. He had also struck out various passages, (most of them extracts from other works, eulogistic of the Pacha's character and policy, which appeared to him to have nothing to do with the subject matter of the inquiries. But he had made no alteration

nover was no subject of this realm; why, then, should the people of this land be taxed to keep up for him a palace which he never used? Then, as to Kensington, only a portion of the palace there was occupied by a member of the Royal family, and it would be far better if the kitchen and other gardens of the palace were thrown open to the gardens, which formed so valuable and delightful a resort for public recreation. The result would be, not only a great public boon, but a great public economy. There were not less than nine of these palaces kept up-there was (besides the palaces at Brighton and Windsor,) the palace at Claremont, kept up at an expence of 14,000l. annually, for the King of the Belgians;-that was a

charge which ought not to be imposed on | ficulty the country had to contend with, the people of this country. A great deal was the wantonness of the House of Comhad no doubt been said about the exceed- mons with regard to the expense. Only a ing liberality of the King of Belgium, and few Members paid attention to the subthat he did not touch any of the money ject; only a few were captivated with himself; but what mattered it to the figures; the hon. Member for Coventry people, who had to pay it, whether his was one of these, and he regretted that Majesty spent it, or somebody else for there was not more of his class in the him? Really, to look at these estimates, House. The Administration that was now one would imagine that we were in a very formed was one of great ability, and carprosperous condition. If the expenses he ried with it a great part of the wealth and had alluded to were at all connected with intelligence of the country-and it was her Majesty's comfort, not one of her sub- perfectly useless, in the present state of jects would wish to stop them; but it was the House, to contend against a body so notorious that her Majesty never even saw constituted; they must be patient, they half these palaces. A great part of these must bear aud forbear, and submit to the expenses might therefore, without in the propositions that were made to them. Afremotest degree affecting her Majesty, be ter a fair trial had been given them, then, retrenched; and as the right hon. Baronet supposing that measures were not brought the Premier had stated his intention to forward, and curtailments not made which effect all possible savings, he trusted that ought to be made, there might be another to this subject, so open to retrenchment, appeal to the country, and they would see the right hon. Baronet's attention would what would be the result. The noble be directed. Lord, the Member for the city of London, and the Whig party, had no reason to complain of the existing state of things, or to speak in a tone of discontent or dissatisfaction. This House was constituted as the offspring of the noble Lord's willthe creature of his own choice. He had been entreated and solicited again and again, within the last six years, to make that change in the constitution of this assembly which was evidently necessary. But the noble Lord said, "No, we don't want Reform or revolution every year; we are satisfied with what has already been done." How then could the noble Lord complain of the hon. Baronet, when he stated he wished for time to produce those measures which he thought were necessary for the public good. The right hon. Baronet had already found that he was reclining on no bed of roses. He did not find a rich Exchequer, he did not find the finances of the country in a flourishing condition; and he, for one, thought that he ought to have time-that time ought to be afforded. He thought hon. Gentlemen would be defeating their own objects, and inflicting injury on the people, by hurrying the right hon. Baronet to the adoption of immatured and indiscreet measures. He was surprised at the statement on the other side, that the right hon. Baronet would not summon Parliament for five months. Now he had heard nothing of the sort from the right hon. Baronet; all that he had heard was, that

Mr. Wakley feared that no advantage would attend the remarks which had been just made. The hon. Gentleman, Mr. Williams, spoke on that side of the House amidst gentlemen by whom all these estimates and expenses were proposed and incurred. Now it appeared to him that the House should submit with becoming humility to their unfortunate position at this time, to take what the constituencies had been pleased to do at the late elections, and endure what might be submitted to them during the coming year. These estimates, without doubt, exhibited from beginning to end a carelessness of the public expenditure-there was no doubt about that, nobody could deny it who looked fairly and dispassionately at them. Every man in viewing them must suppose, if he knew nothing of the financial condition of this country, that we were in a state of extraordinary prosperity, that there was no distress, no calamity, no diminution of trade, and no complaining on the part of the labouring population. Here was a recklessness of public expenditure from beginning to end; but who was to blame? He declared that since he had been a Member of this House he had observed more recklessness on the part of the Members of this House with regard to the public money than by the hon. Gentlemen who were now in office or by the hon. Gentlemen who had left their seats and gone to the other side. The real dif

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he desired time to prepare the measures, | ambassador to go to Frankfort. which he thought it necessary to submit fair? Could any man believe this expento the House. He did not know whether diture to be just? If the appointment those measures would be good or bad, but of an ambassador to Frankfort were really he knew that hon. Members had not the useful, he did not object, for he was not power to compel him to bring forward one who was disposed to complain of those measures until it suited his disposi- the manner in which the noble Lord option. There was a very large majority posite (Lord Palmerston) had administered against them, and he would repeat that the foreign affairs; on the contrary, he they must submit patiently to what might considered that his administration of our be the determination of that majority. foreign affairs had the effect of putting This House as now constituted, un- this country in a prouder position than it doubtedly had not the approbation of the had ever before attained, and that Engsmall party to which he belonged; and land was never more respected abroad than they did not believe that the House, thus at this moment; and this was mainly constituted, would consult the interests of owing to the exertions of the noble Lord. the people. They might be deceived- Now he wished that the noble Lord would and he sincerely hoped they might be de- come forward and tell the House next ceived; for nothing would give him greater year what expenses might be reduced and delight than to see measures of a compre- what might not be reduced. He thought hensive character proposed, that were cal- the noble Lord could come down with a culated to impart satisfaction to the public long list, showing that very great reducand promote their interests. The right tions might be made without the slightest hon. Baronet on this occasion, had merely detriment to the public. If he would do adopted the estimates proposed by the so it would be received as a happy climax late Ministers; and probably, if Gentle- to his great exertions. Many of the offices men opposite had been placed in a similar were utterly useless, and the estimates position, they would have acted in a similar were framed with an utter disregard of the manner, pressed as the right hon. Baronet public interest; and he did hope that the had been for time. But he would say that present Administration would see to what if the Minister, in a future Session of Par- extent the people's burthens might be reliament, should come forward and propose duced, and that the principle of economy measures of this kind, with the finances in would be unremittingly applied. their present condition, he would not be deserving of support. In fact, when they looked at the distresses of the working people, to whom this country owed all its reputatation, power, and wealth, it was a crying sin and shame, that 17. of expense should be incurred that was not justified by circumstances. The noble Lord who had just left the House (Lord J. Russell) had stated that there should be certain sums granted for ambassadors to foreign courts; but he would ask if it was meet and proper that, when foreign princes chose to come to this country to visit their relations here, the poor English public should have to pay their expenses? Why, it was bringing discredit on monarchy-it was bringing discredit on the aristocracy, and was calculated to make the people look on them as their persecutors, and as the persons who ever and anon were placing them in more extreme distress. Now here was a sum of money mentioned in the estimate as paid for the expense of a foreign Sovereign visiting this country; and a sum of 1,000l. paid for an

Mr. Fielden was surprised at some part of the speech just delivered. The hon. Member for Finsbury had talked of the justice of giving the Government time. That was just what he wished to have given them, the old constitutional principle being, that the grievances of the people should be first redressed before the supplies were granted; and this appeared to him the only proper course on the present occasion. The distress of the country was too serious for delay. Lancashire was fast going. The best workmen were departing to foreign countries, to obtain there that subsistence which at home they could not get. He wished to know whether it was the intention of the Government to afford the people any relief before the winter set in?

Mr. Wakley would ask the hon. Member for Oldham why he did not come forward with a measure for the relief of the distressed condition of the country? If the hon. Member was so fully impressed with that idea, it was his duty to propose any remedy which he (Mr. Fielden)

thought would effect the object which he | Baronet did not state that he intended to had so much at heart.

Mr. Fielden in reply observed, that if it was his duty to have prepared a remedy, he would have done so at once, and without any hesitation.

Mr. Ewart observed, that if the hon. Member's remedy, patience, were the sole recommendation he had to offer, he feared he would soon have to assist at the inquest on the defunct remains of the country. He would, however, not enter upon the various topics which had been suggested by the hon. Member, but would confine himself to the question before the committee, and he begged to give expression to the satisfaction which he felt in finding that the Regent's Park was now available to the public as a pleasure ground. He thought, that the same course might be advantageously adopted with respect to other parks, and particularly as regarded Richmond Park, which would be a great accommodation if thrown open to the public. There was Kew Park also, which was contiguous to the large and populous towns of Brentford, Isleworth, &c., and which was closed six days in the week, and which might, without inconvenience, be thrown open. He hoped, that Kensington Gardens would be preserved in their present state, and not be encroached upon, as the west-end of town was already sufficiently built in; and unless breathing space was preserved at the present time, there would be no future opportunity for obtaining it.

prorogue, although such appeared to be
the general impression. He thought, that
it was highly impolitic to wish the right
hon. Baronet to come down to the House
with ill-digested measures, and trust to
chance for their being carried.
would never lend himself to a factious op-
position. It was the duty of the House
to give the right hon. Baronet a fair and
impartial trial.

He

Mr. Williams thought the case of the country stood thus:-The patient was suffering from a severe malady; the late Government had come forward with measures of relief, and they had been rejected, and the present Government refused to administer a remedy. He thought, if the measures of the late Ministry had been carried, that the country would not have been in its present deplorable condition.

Sir R. Inglis did not wish to interfere in the quarrel, it was a very pretty one as it stood. He rose for the purpose of making an observation in allusion to what had fallen from the hon. Member for Dumfries, who appeared to have taken the position formerly occupied by the late Member for Kilkenny. The hon. Member, although he reserved to himself the liberty of doing what he liked with his own fields and gardens, wished to deny to the Crown the right of managing its own property. He considered the right of the Crown to Richmond-park to be as strong as that by which any private gentleman held his estates.

dividuals. The property of the Crown
was held for the benefit of the people as
well as for the interest of the Sovereign.
He did not think that her Majesty at all
participated in the exclusive views enter-
tained by the hon. Member opposite.
Vote agreed to.

Mr. Wakley said, that there, was no Mr. Ewart thought that the hon. Bamore dangerous and unconstitutional doc-ronet was wrong in the view which he trine than that which threw upon the took of the distinction between the proexecutive Government all the responsibi-perty of the Crown and that of private inlity of originating measures. It was the duty of Members unconnected with the Ministry to propose whatever measures they thought would be conducive to the interests of the state. It was the duty of the hon. Member for Oldham to have stated the other night to the House what he thought would be the remedy for the evils of which he now complained. He should like to know whether the proposition of an 8s. duty on corn instead of 1s would have had the effect of relieving the people from the distresses that now pressed heavily upon them? He thought, that the course which the right hon. Baronet at the head of the Government intimated to the House his intention of pursuing was both fair and reasonable. The right hon,

SUPPLY-MUSEUM.] On the vote of 21,000l. for the new buildings of the British Museum.

Mr. Hawes said, he regretted that in consequence of the librarian and his assistant being engaged in making a new catalogue for the library and occupying the apartments, the public were still excluded from that most interesting part of the building. He hoped that if the objec

tion were made, that the dust created by the admission of visitors would injure the books, proper measures would be taken to obviate the conjectured mischief. At all events, he thought the objection not sufficient to justify the exclusion of the public, and he trusted that the trustees, some few of whom were present, would take the subject into consideration.

Dr. Bowring inquired when it was likely that the catalogue would be completed and printed.

Sir R. Peel was understood to reply, possibly in the course of a few weeks. With regard to the observations of the hon. Member for Lambeth, the questions whether the public should be allowed promiscuously to enter the library for the purpose of seeing the place, or to examine and read the books, were very different. There was every disposition on the part of the trustees to allow access to the library for the purpose of study, but to make the library a public promenade would certainly be to destroy the design of the institution.

Mr. Hawes did not think by allowing the public to walk through the room those who went to study would be disturbed, particularly as an apartment was specially provided for their accommodation."

Dr. Bowring said, there was no difficulty in the public obtaining access to the libraries on the continent.

Sir R. Inglis ventured to say, that the hon. Gentleman had never seen ten persons at one time in the library of the Vatican; and though the visitors to the library at Paris were numerous, sometimes amounting to 30,000 in a short space of time, there were no readers seen there. The quantity of dust produced by so great an influx of persons must certainly be very great, as hon. Members might well imagine, from the state in which that House was at twelve or one o'clock.

Vote agreed to.

SUPPLY-MODEL PRISON.] On the grant of 15,000l., for the completion of the Model Prison.

Mr. Williams said, it was now too late to object to this vote, but he would observe, that if the system adopted in the United States, of making prisoners work in erecting the prison had been followed, a considerable amount of expense would have been saved to the country.

SUPPLY-CALEDONIAN CANAL.] On the proposal that the remaining half of 50,000l., be granted for the permanent repair and improvement of the Caledonian Canal.

Mr. Williams said he had been one of the committee appointed to inquire and report its opinion upon the subject of the condition of the canal, and the advantages to be derived to commerce from a further outlay of public money. He regretted to say the subject had been treated very summarily, and in the conviction that the interests of trade were not served in proportion to the enormous expense of this canal he had voted against the report; another Gentleman voted for it, two had signed it without having paid any attention to the subject; and the result on the whole was that, the numbers being equal, the casting vote lay with the chairman, Mr. Robert Steuart, who, being a Scotch gentleman, thought it was desirable to secure to Scotland the advantages of this canal, and thus the proposition, originally for granting 200,000l., according to the estimate of Mr. Telford for the canal, was, in spite of his opposition, carried. It was necessary to state to the committee, that during the last nineteen years, no less a sum than 2,350,0001. had been lavished by the Legislature upon this object, and of so little advantage was it to the trade of the kingdom, that the tolls on it produced no more than 2,500l. a year since 1821. Since which the expenditure had been 26,000l. above the income derived from it. For the last seven years the actual loss to the country had been on an average 2,0701. a year. This was not the only aspect in which this great undertaking presented itself to their consideration, for it was stated by Mr. Walker, the present engineer, that, in order to render this canal perfectly complete and useful, a still larger sum than the 200,0007. recommended by the report of the committee would be necessary. Mr. Robert Steuart, in order to obtain the sanction of the different commercial constituencies in the country, wrote to five of the principal English ports-namely, London, Liverpool, Hull, Bristol, and Newcastle; he also wrote to Belfast, Dublin, Glasgow, Dundee, and Leith. He alluded to Mr. Walker's report, and pointed out the advantages which would arise from increasing the depth of the canal from eleven feet to seventeen feet, and placing steamers

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