when the measures were announced that | Registration Bill? He stated on Friday were to be contained in the budget; the last, that his difficulties with respect to delay of a month on such a question as Ireland were removed; and much as I the Corn-laws was then pronounced by regret to differ from the noble Lord who that right hon. Gentleman an intolerable sits beside me, I must say, that I cannot evil; four months had elapsed since that participate in the confidence, that he extime, and yet he now proposes to postpone pressed in the present Cabinet, as regarded it for five months longer. These facts wil! Ireland. I have no doubt whatever of the not be lost upon the country. Already the amiable characters and excellent disposinew Tory alliance totters. The Chartists tions of Lords De Grey and Eliot; but if are beginning to be sorry for the victory they had the highest abilities and best disthey have helped the Conservative party positions in the world, they would be to achieve. It is hazardous to deal in obliged to act in accordance with the political predictions, but I do believe, that wishes of the Cabinet at home; and when before the winter is over, the middle and I see, that the high places in that Cabinet working classes will make common cause are filled by the present Lord Chancellor, for the repeal of the Corn-laws. They will and by the Members for Dorchester and join with those who are in reality their North Lancashire, who hate Irish liberty natural friends and protectors, and it will with a perfect hatred, and who have given be impossible for the present Government us no reason to suspect their change of to resist such a combination. Drowning opinion, and whom, if I believe to be sinmen, it is said, "will catch at straws" and cere, I must also, therefore, believe to be whatever may be said to the contrary, I most hostile to Ireland; I say, that seeing believe that an impression prevailed at the this, I cannot shut my eyes to the fact, late elections in England that the right that they will not have the power, alhon. Baronet was possessed of some pecu- though they may have the wish, to benefit liar statecraft, some political panacea that most unfortunate country. I fear, which would cure, or at least alleviate the also, that the Irish themselves will see in evils of the country; this impression was these appointments only another proof of strengthened by language held subse- the contempt in which they think they are quently by the right hon. Baronet, in held by England, and that Ireland is only which he said, that if rival practitioners thought fit for an "experimentum in corwere dismissed, and if he were regularly pore vili," when they hear that two of the "called in," he might give some salutary most unpractised of our statesmen are sent advice. His terms have now been com- to try their "'prentice hands" upon her. plied with, however the reverse of gene- Unless, therefore, I receive a plain and rous; he has been regularly called in; in satisfactory answer to the question which his own classical language, he has "pock-it is my duty to put to the right hon. Baeted his fee," and, in proportion to the ronet, I venture to tell him that agitation hopes and the expectations that have been will begin in the sister kingdom in a way raised will be, as I think and fear, the that will cause no slight embarrassment anger and disappointment that will ensue. to his Government. There are many Then will a reaction in reality take place wrongs and grievances yet unredressed-then will the working classes regret that the tithe question, though some may think they have changed King Log for King it settled, is not dead, but sleeping, and Stork, and that, instead of lukewarm the people in that country have been friends, or neutrals, they will find that taught to know, not only their rights, but they have powerful and uncomprising op- how to obtain them constitutionally. They ponents. That no such disappointment well know the evils of agitation, but they may take place, I most devoutly wish, and think them preferable to the still greater if any real remedy be devised by the right evils of oppression; and I beg of this hon. Baronet for the evils of the State, I, House to consider for a moment the hard as an independent Member, will give him dilemma in which so often they place the my humble support. But there is ano- Irish people. If they make no strong opther subject to which I must now call position to their grievances, then they are his attention, and I have a question to told, that the quiet state they are in is a ask to which, I trust, he will give an ex-proof that no real grievances exist, or that plicit answer: does he or does he not in- they exist only in the imagination of their tend to bring forward Lord Stanley's Irish leaders. If, on the other hand, they make

such demonstrations as cannot be mistaken, and the House generally he should be exthen they are told, forsooth, as I myself ceedingly glad to correct such errors as have heard them told in this House, that notoriously existed in the system of Irish their very resistance disqualifies them for registration. He should, at the same time, redress, and that "we will not grant to be exceedingly unwilling, in attempting to clamour what we denied to justice." correct those errors, that the franchise There is, however, another contingency to which it was intended to confer upon that be contemplated, although the very thought part of the united empire under the Reform of it makes me blush, as an Englishman; Bill, should suffer any limitation. It it may be, that the boast of the party op- should be his endeavour, therefore, to reposite will be realised-that England will concile these two objects-as he was sure fall in love with Toryism, as they assert, it had been the aim and intention of his and holding out her hands for the fetters, noble Friend-that was to say, the corbe base enough to ask to have masters; rection of admitted abuses in the mode of and, in that case, I tell this House, and registration, with the preservation either through this House, the country, that to of the same franchise, or a franchise to a any such infamy as this, Ireland will not similar extent as that conferred upon the be a party. So long as you continue to people of Ireland by the Reform Bill. advance in civil and religious liberty at He had no immediate intention of bringhome, so long as you promote the blessing forward any measure on the subject; ings of free institutions abroad-pursuing but he did intend taking the matth into that course of foreign policy which has consideration in conjunction with is nowon for the late Secretary for Foreign ble Friend, and when their measure should Affairs the reluctant admiration of even be brought forward, he thought it would political opponents; above all, if you give be found to have been framed with a stuto Ireland every right and privilege that dious endeavour to reconcile the two obyou claim for yourselves; so long will you jects to which he had referred. fulfil the true conditions of the connection Ireland will derive advantage from, and be proud of it, and both countries will be eternally benefited. But if you choose to descend to the rank of a second-rate power in Europe; if, after degrading yourselves at home and abroad, you attempt to impose upon Ireland the evils of your own political vices and degeneracy, then will she fling at once her parchment union to the winds, and be justified before God and man in hoisting the standard of repeal; for anything will be better for her than Tory-Orange domination. I trust, that Ireland will be saved the necessity of any such step as this, and that the right hon. Baronet will take this humble admonition on my part in the same spirit in which it is given, and that by declaring that he will give up the late Irish Registration Bill (for which the newspapers and election petitions of his party appear to wish to pave the way, by every species of enormous fiction), he will allay the fears and suspicions on this subject, of such vital importance to the interest of Ireland.

Sir R, Peel rose, he said, to answer the question which had been put to him by the hon. Gentleman. He certainly did not intend to bring forward the identical bill that had been introduced in the last Session by his noble Friend (Lord Stanley); but in concert with his noble Friend

Subject at an end.

He

BOARDS OF ORDNANCE AND ADMIRALTY.] Sir C. Napier begged to call attention to one of the recent appointments of the right hon. Baronet. could not conceive how the public service could be efficiently carried on in the absence of a navy officer at the head of the Board of Ordnance. He thought, also, that it was paying a bad compliment to the navy, in which there were 600 captains and 200 admirals, not to find one officer amongst them capable of being intrusted with the government of that board. Why, it would be really as absurd, he thought, to make him Lord Chancellor of England, as to place a civilian at the head of the Board of Ordnance; and he should not be at all surprised if the noble Lord who had been appointed to that office were unable to distinguish between a lineof-battle ship and a frigate. Besides, it was contrary to the usual practice.

Sir R. Peel could only assure the hon. and gallant Gentleman, that by the appointment referred to he did not mean to cast the slightest imputation or reflection upon the profession of which the hon. and gallant Gentleman was so distinguished an ornament. It was not fitting that he should enter into a discussion upon the question on the present occasion; but he must observe, that

the practice of appointing a navy officer, should be ruled by a naval officer as the had not been invariably adhered to. To army by a military one. enter into a discussion of the question at Subject at an end. present would oblige him to refer to the constitution of the board itself, and the officers who formed part of it. He believed, that the constitution of the board gave general satisfaction to the profession. [Sir C. Napier-No, no.] And as regarded this particular appointment, he thought he should be able to satisfy the House, that it had been made upon general views, for the good of the service and the advantage of the country, although it might be a question whether the practice of placing a civilian at the head of the Admiralty ought to be adhered to or not.

now to say, that he intended to bring the, not an acceptance of office, within the matter distinctly before the House. At meaning of the act, until the appointment the same time he wished to say, that he had actually taken place. It was not an desired to make no improper reference to acceptance to say he would accept. The his right hon. Friend, as he was one for minister might withdraw his offer. The whom no one could entertain a higher office was held by patent, and the delirespect than he did. At the same time, very of the Great Seal into his hand was high as was his regard for his right hon. certainly necessary before the appointment Friend, he had a still higher regard for the could take effect. That seal still remained privileges of the House, and the liberty of in the custody of those to whom Lord the people. He conceived, that his right Campbell had delivered it. The patents hon. Friend continuing to occupy a seat were not perfected, and therefore until in that House, was, under the circum- they were so, and until all the necessary stances, an evasion of the act of Parlia- ceremonies had been gone through, he ment, and he should bring the matter could not be considered as Lord Chanbefore the House. cellor of Ireland. He hoped the House would acquit him of any improper feeling, or of any presumption on the subject; but he considered that his constituents would have a right to accuse him of neglecting their interests, if he abstained from occupying his place as their representative, while he had a right by law to do so.

Sir E. Sugden said, that as he was not present at the early part of the observations of the hon. and learned Gentleman, he could not make any reply to them; but he understood the hon. Member to say, that he (Sir Edward Sugden) was acting unconstitutionally in retaining his seatin that House, having accepted the office of Lord Chancellor of Ireland. He would beg to say he did so, because he conceived that he did not legally fill that office, though he had consented to fill it. He considered it his duty to his constituents not to abandon the trust they reposed in him, until he had lost it in law. He would also say, that he had not voted on any question since he accepted that office, nor had he been even called upon to consider whether he ought to vote. That he mentioned as a fact, and without attaching importance to it. He had no intention to do an unconstitutional act; but he never was more surprised when, without the least notice given to him, he heard the speech of his hon, and learned Friend, and at the close of that speech, that he was spoken of in terms of civility. He wished that the civility was shown by acts, and not by the terms in which it was pressed. He believed he was standing on his right as Member for Ripon, and maintaining his place in that House. He did not wish to carry the principle to any inconvenient extent; and if it were the opinion of the House that he was stretching the constitutional principle, he would at once withdraw; but he did not consider he had lost his rights as a Member of Parliament, until he actually filled the office which he had accepted. At that moment he was not legally Lord Chancellor of Ireland; Lord Campbell still, legally speaking, held that office. It was

ex

Sir Thomas Wilde wished to explain why he had not given notice to his right hon. Friend, and in doing so he would repeat those expressions of courtesy towards him which he bad before used, although he knew that his right hon. Friend had a very peculiar method of acknowledging any courtesies. He was not aware when he entered the House, that it was the intention of his hon. Friend to put a question to the right hon. Baronet opposite on the subject; but that question having been put, he felt it his duty, when he heard the answer, to lose no time in giving notice of his intention to bring the subject before the House, and he had consequently no opportunity of giving notice to his right hon. Friend. In that intention he had been confirmed by the very dangerous doctrine laid down by his right hon. Friend, and to-morrow he would draw attention to the subject.

Lord J. Russell thought his hon. and learned Friend was quite right in having mentioned the subject, as the acceptance of the office by the right hon. Gentleman opposite, was publicly announced on Friday last. It was not a question of whether the right hon. Gentleman wished to retain his seat improperly, or to act against the desire of the House; but a question of considerable importance as to the interpretation which was to be put upon the Act of Parliament. The right hon. Gentleman seemed to think that there was not a proper acceptance of office until the office was actually filled. In several offices