NOTE. The following extract from a sermon preached by the writer, two days before, gives a further explanation of the points touched on our page: No doubt much remains to be done. The gravest questions rise before us. There loom up now the questions, "what shall be done with the rebels? Shall the leaders of the rebellion be punished, and how? What shall be done with the conquered States? How shall they be governed; by military or civil power? In answering these questions it is evident, that, first of all, we need guarantees that the substantial results of the war shall not be lost-that the cure of the South shall be radical-that there shall be no more treasons, no more rebellions. Any leniency that overlooks this necessity is not moderation, is not generosity -it is folly, cruelty, and crime. We may forgive; but we have no right so to forgive as to leave the old conspirators with power to conspire again. What guarantees, then, do we need? Plainly, the first is the utter abolition and destruction of slavery in the South. We must not have it in any form or shape. We must not allow it to remain as apprenticeship, or as serfdom, or as pupilage. But can this be done if we give back the power over the Southern States into the hands of the old disloyal leaders, now made ten times as bitter as before their defeat? I see by the prints that distinguished citizens of Virginia are on their way to Washington to arrange terms for the reconstruction and re-admission of Virginia into the Union. What do we want of distinguished citizens of Virginia? We want them all to keep out of the way. We are to deal now with the real people of the South, colored and white, not with the old slaveholding aristocracy. We do not want any Hon. Mr. Hunters or Breckinridges; no Governor Wise, no Governor Foote, to arrange terms with. It seems to me that the question of punishment may be entirely set aside. We do not wish to punish any one. "Vengeance is mine, I will repay, saith the Lord." They will be punished enough, no doubt of that. If defeat, disgrace, and utter ruin are punishments, if contempt at home and neglect abroad are punishments, if to have shown a want of statesmanship and ignorance of history, to have destroyed the peace and prosperity of these States is punishment, they have it. We have, no doubt, a right to punish them to any extent. The crimes of rebellion, treason, and waging civil war without a cause, are the blackest which can be committed by man. To lose life, property, and all, is not too severe a punishment. But what we wish is not to punish them, but to protect ourselves. And the most moderate punishment which is adequate is the best, because it is the most certain to be inflicted. And therefore I say, that, in my opinion, what we want is to keep all the old rebel leaders, and old slaveholding aristocracy out of the way, until the States of the South can be re-organized on the basis of freedom. We want to keep them from having anything to do with the government or control of the South until every Southern State is as loyal as Massachusetts. Now, every eminent Southern man is liable to be tried, convicted, and put to death for treason under the law of 1790. It is true that he can only be tried within the State where the act of treason was committed. But when Lee invaded Pennsylvania, he committed treason there, and so did the whole rebel government, for in treason all are principals — and the purpose of overthrowing the government of the United States by arms is a treasonable purpose and every one who deliberately aids in any way that purpose, even by furnishing supplies, is held by the Courts to be a principal. The punishment of death for treason is therefore hanging today over the head of every man concerned in the rebellion. They may be very grateful if allowed to escape by exile, confiscation, and disqualification. But looking, not at vengeance or punishment, but simply at self protection, it is my opinion that we might agree to waive the trial for treason, and substitute for it these penalties: 1st. In the case of Jefferson Davis, and his government, and all the chief conspirators, we might substitute for death, exile for a term of years, say ten years. This would be so moderate a punishment that it would pretty certainly be carried out. 2d. Then for those who have left the service of the United States to fight against it, and for the civil officers of the rebel States let the punishment be disqualification for any office, and inability to vote during ten years. So fast do things move in this country, that in ten years, when the exiles return, they will find no opening left for them, all their influence gone, others in their places, the whole machinery of state re-organized, and they all sent into obscurity and oblivion. 3d. Let all those who have committed specific crimes, such as murdering citizens, starving to death our prisoners, and killing colored persons in cold blood, be tried and punished for those crimes under the laws. 4th. Let all the common people who have been forced and cheated into rebellion be pardoned on taking the oath of allegiance and keeping it. 5th. Let no rebel State be re-admitted into the Union till its Legislature has passed the Constitutional amendment abolishing slavery in the United States. This is my plan for reconstruction. Let the military government of the U. S. be continued over the States, and let garrisons of colored troops be kept in all the large towns. Let no State be re-admitted till a convention of the people has met, revising its Constitution and abolishing slavery, and till its Legislature has passed the Constitutional amendment. Let the Federal Courts for the District of Pennsylvania find indictments for treason against every member of the rebel government, rebel Congress, and every head officer in the rebel army. Let the Federal Courts in Ohio, Maryland, and Missouri, do the same. Then let Congress be called together, and modify the law, substituting exile for a term of years, and disqualification for office, under certain conditions. So that by accepting and submitting to the lesser punishment, they may escape the greater. |