all the Southern Indians, as the same policy applied to them all.

Mr. HOFFMAN had no desire to interfere in a matter of this kind, but he was one of those who believed that the United States' Government is bound to take the earliest opportunity of extinguishing the Indian title to lands in Georgia; and he desired the Chairman of the Committee on Indian Affairs to state whether that was not the object intended to be provided for in this appropriation.

Mr. McLEAN replied in the affirmative. Mr. HOFFMAN replied, if that was the case, he thought there was good reason why the amendment should not be adopted. Every reflecting man must be anxious to see the compact of 1802 fulfilled in good faith. But the Chickasaws were not involved in its provisions, and stood upon an entirely different footing. Mr. WOODS, of Ohio, wished to know whether the provision for the Cherokees was introduced in fulfilment of any treaty with that tribe.

[FEB. 18, 1828.

lowed him a boundless discretion, or else it was a barren appropriation, effecting nothing. When the bill which had been reported by, the Committee on Indian Affairs should come up, the whole subject would be open for discussion; but, at present, such an appropriation would be perfectly anomalous in a regular annual appropriation bill for the Indian Department. It was well known, that the regular expenses of that Department amounted to less than the irregular expenses of it-the former amounted to about $80,000, while the fund for contingencies was $95,000.

Mr. B. said he could not vote understandingly in this matter, unless he had the means of inquiring further into it. He would go heart and hand with the gentleman, if the Indians were troublesome neighbors, and they wished to get rid of them, provided this could be done without injuring other People. The bill says, "to emigrate west of the Mississippi." Now, it was not the first time that Indians had been brought from other parts of the country, and placed down in the bosom and very heart of the State from which he came. Here he enumerated the Kickapoos, Weas, and several other tribes, who had thus been removed. He said his constituents, many of them, lived, to be sure, in the woods, and were on the borders of the republic-but still they had some desire to improve their situation, as well as other people-and they did not wish to have a body of Indians placed down in the midst of them by their Government, and still less, if the power to do this was to be exercised by a sub-agent of the War Department. If once the promise was given to the Indians, although by an unauthorized agent, they would count upon its fulfilment. They knew none of our distinctions as to authorized and unauthorized officers of the Government, and if the promise was not fulfilled, their sense of justice and good faith was shocked. The gentleman from Mississippi, however, need fear no opposition from him, with respect to the removal of his Chickasaws, if he would only act on the good old maxim, so use your own as not to injure others. Mr. B. concluded by saying he should vote against all propositions like that now moved.

Mr. McLEAN replied, that it had been inserted in conformity with the compact between the United States and Georgia, by which compact it became the duty of the General Government, at all times, to stand in readiness to extinguish the Indian title within that State, so soon as it could be done on reasonable and peaceable terms. The subject to which the gentleman from Mississippi alluded, had been among the very first to which the Committee on Indian Affairs gave their attention: and they had accordingly reported a bill providing for the request of that tribe, that they might be permitted first to examine the land proposed to be given them, before they should decide on relinquishing what they at present possessed. It would be surely improper to provide for extinguishing their title at this time, when it was but a few months ago that they had expressly refused to remove. He was therefore at a loss to know where was the ground for the complaints of injustice so loudly made by the gentleman from Mississippi. The estimates of the Department had been referred to the Indian Committee; their report upon them had been approved by the Committee of Ways and Means; and this last com. mittee had, in consequence, inserted the item in the bill. Mr. HAILE replied, and insisted upon the ground he had formerly taken. $ 50,000 had formerly been appropriated in the case of the Creeks, and now $ 50,000 more are proposed, although the Creeks say positively they will not remove. But the Chickasaws have written a letter to the Governor, signifying their willingness to emigrate, and yet they are to be excluded from the bill. An appropriation in their case, Mr. II. insisted, was the only one from which the Government could derive the least shadow of benefit. He thought a new system of legislation was getting into this House, by which an ap-morous in their complaints. The State, by solemn compropriation bill was made the lever to force measures in favor of one section of the country to the injury of ano. ther. He protested against this, and then proceeded again to urge the claims of the Chickasaws.

Mr. HAILE replied, and again insisted on the topics he had already urged. He referred to the forbearance which had been exercised by his State, on the subject of the Indians within her limits. In 1820, a country had been given to the Indians, west of the Mississippi, in the Territory of Arkansas-but they had been resisted, when removing thither, by a body of 2,000 men, and driven back, in violation of treaty. The General Government had not protected their rights, or punished the offenders; but, instead of this, had extended the line of that Territory, so as to include these trespassers within its limits. Still, neither Alabama nor the Chickasaws had been clapact, had reserved the right to extend her laws over the tribes within her boundary, but had forborne, from motives of humanity, to exercise that power. And now, when her Representative had been the first to introduce the subject to the House, he was to be crowded out of the appropriation bill, &c.

Mr. BATES, of Missouri, said he understood this to be a bill regularly reported every year, providing for the ordinary annual expenses of the Indian Department. If Mr. SPRAGUE said that, in justice to the Committee special objects were to be provided for, special appro- on Indian Affairs, it was proper to state, that, if any compriations ought to be made to meet them; and if such plaint at all was made in this matter, it should be against an object as was contemplated by the amendment, was the Committee of Ways and Means. The item came from to be brought into this bill, all other special objec's that committee in the same manner as every other item might as well be brought into it. In addition to this, in the bill. It was not the Committee of Indian Affairs something might be said on the question where the Go. that had placed it there. They had only reported in favernment meant to invite these Indians to settle. He was vor of a measure which appeared to them expedient and aware that it would not be in order to discuss that ques proper. Ir hoped the House would not go into a ge. tion at this time. One objection to the amendment was neral discussion of all our Indian affairs on the present this, that it gave unlimited authority to the officer at the bill. It was very evident that gentlemen in all parts of head of the War Department, to give direction to the the House were alive to the subject, and it must be acmarch of this tribe when it should remove. It either al-knowledged, that it was one attended with extreme dif

FEB. 18, 1828.}

Indian Appropriations.

ficulty at all times. Mr. S. said he had himself had many and great difficulties to surmount in assenting to the appropriation already agreed to, and he hoped that, in a mere incidental debate, the general policy of the removal of the Indians would not have to be taken up and decided. It had forced itself on his observation, since he had been a member of this House, as a great evil in the mode of its legislation, that subjects of the greatest weight were forced upon the House in the most unexpected manner, by mere incidental motions. The consequence was, that they were discussed when gentlemen were not fully prepared for them, and hours and days were wasted on questions not properly connected with the main subject before the House. There were special reasons applying to the case of the Creeks and Cherokees, which did not apply to the other Indian tribes. If the Chickasaws were introduced, all the other Indians would have to follow, because gentlemen stood ready to introduce them, to whose States they were as great an annoyance as the Chickasaws were to the State of Mississippi. The same argument would be urged in every case, and there would be no end to the amendments. He hoped, therefore, that now proposed, would not prevail.

tory.

[II. or R.

Government to provide for the removal of the Florida Indians, as any compact or convention can require. The miserable condition of these people has been presented to you, by your own officers, in a language not soon to be forgotten. You have been told that they cannot subsist within their present assigned limits, and must starve, or plunder their neighbors. An appropriation has been made by Congress to feed them; re-examinations or dered by the Secretary of War, and a return again made by General Gaines, that they cannot live within their li mits. A very respectable and highly distinguished officer, Colonel Clinch, of the 4th regiment of infantry, attended General Gaines on the last examination, and he concurs in the opinion that they must steal or starve. Now, sir, the claims of Georgia may be strong, but how can we, looking to the humanity and policy of our Go. vernment, and, moreover, referring to the certainty of future collision, which must be attended with the loss of blood and treasure, and demands for indemnity, refuse to place the two objects on the same footing? If this mo. tion was to add the appropriation of $15,000, reported for our object, to that in this bill, and include the Chickasaw and Florida Indians, I should be glad to see it carMr. WHITE said he should only detain the committee ried; but, in its present form, I am opposed to it, witha few minutes at this late hour of the day. If there was out including ours. I can inform the gentleman from any merit in having the subject first proposed in the Missouri, that it is not contemplated to locate the Indians House, the gentleman from Mississippi would do him the within his State, but west of it, and north of Arkansas, justice to say, that his was the second proposition on this and upon lands to which the United States have an unsubject, having been moved as an amendment to the re-disputed title, not within the limits of any State or Terrisolution of that gentleman, referred to in debate, and which would have been moved in a separate form, if it Mr. LUMPKIN said, he perceived the subject was had not been adopted in conjunction with that. This, misunderstood, and this could arise only from a want of said Mr. W., is a subject of deep interest to the Territo- attention on the part of the House. He was aware that ry I represent; and, if the amendment now proposed, this was not the time for a general discussion of our be adopted, I shall feel myself bound to move to insert in Indian affairs. He thought the remarks of the gentle. this bill the Florida Indians. I do not wish to embarrass man from Missouri [Mr. BATES] were well worthy of atthe amendment of the member from Mississippi, but he tention. But he thought this was not the time or place must perceive that the success of his motion will leave for considering it. Mr. L. said he would endeavor to me in a worse situation than the one in which he is plac-point out the distinction between the cases of the ed. The bill reported by the Committee on Indian Af Creeks and Cherokees, and that of the Chickasaws and fairs, provides an appropriation for the purpose of ena- other tribes. The amendment proposed by the Combling" the Chickasaw and other Indians," to explore the mittee of Ways and Means, and which provides for the country west of the Mississippi. Now, sir, I understand removal of the Creeks and Cherokees, had been introthat the other Indians' in the bill, are those which are duced in consequence of the estimates received from the the annoyance of my constituents; and, if the Chickasaws War Department, in relation to that subject. When are now included in this bill, I shall be without a loop those estimates came into the House, they were referto hang a hope upon; and I now give notice, that, if red, as of course, to the Committee of Ways and Means. this succeeds, I will not depend on the remote hope of That committee very properly moved for their referreaching the other bill, but also move my amendment. ence to the Committee on Indian Affairs. This latter I cannot concur with the gentleman from Maine, [Mr. Committee had carefully examined the estimates, and SPRAGUE] that this is not the time or place to discuss this had reported favorably upon the subject. It was then subject. The subject now under consideration, as legiti- sent back to the Committee of Ways and Means. mately belongs to this bill, as the proposed appropriation for the Creeks and Cherokees. Where is the difference? The member from Maine, who is a constituent member of the Committee of Ways and Means, says this subject comes from the War Department, has been sanctioned by the Committee on Indian Affairs, and is contained in a certain convention between Georgia and the United States. Now, sir, I tell that gentleman, that the subject of the removal of the Florida and Chickasaw Indians also comes from the War Department, under grave recommendations, and has also met the favorable consideration of the standing committee of this House, to whom the subject appropriately belongs. So far the parallel is complete and, as to the convention with Georgia, I cannot agree that, on that account, one shall be placed in a regular appropriation bill, and the other left to the uncertainty of its fate, at a session that promises so little. I ardently hope that Georgia may succeed in having her convention executed to the letter and spirit. But, sir, the obligations of humanity, and the imperative dictates of sound policy, impose as strong an injunction on this

VOL. IV-97

No

Mr. L. said, that, as a member of the Committee on Indian Affairs, he had expected this item to be provided for in a separate bill, but the Committee of Ways and Means had thought otherwise, and had concluded to provide for it in the present appropriation bill. Now the distinction which gave a preference to the Creeks and Cherokees was, that a treaty had already been made with the Creeks, which could not be fulfilled, without a part of this appropriation, and the residue was equally necessary to enable the Government to fulfil its compact with Georgia, in relation to the Cherokees. such treaty or compact applied to the other tribes. It was the understanding of the committee that the applica tion of this sum depended on the free consent of the Indians; neither force nor favor was to be made use of. If their removal could be effected, on such terms, it was well; if not, the means appropriated would remain in the hands of the Government. But without the appro priation, it was impossible that the Government could fulfil its compact with Georgia. Mr. L. said he would not enter, at this time, on the subject of the claims of that

H. OF R.]

Emigration of Indians.

[FEB. 19, 1828.

State. He knew the impressions which many gentlemen the Indians from Georgia. He did not wish to sanchad received in relation to them. But, whatever warmth tion the policy of the Administration in this matter, was charged upon her Government, by those who had which he considered as one of their errors. Treaties misrepresented her motives, when the truth was fully were made by men invested with almost unlimited disknown, it would appear, that, so far from being charge-cretion, and over whose acts, when once done, this able with urging unwarrantable demands, her forbearance House had little or no control. He would not go faron this subject had been without a parallel. She had wait- ther into the subject, except to state, that, no longer ed for twenty-five years for the fulfilment of the contract ago than last year, the Government had received a pomade by the General Government, and she had witnessed, sitive refusal from the Chickasaws to emigrate. Since during that time, the extinction of the Indian title to en- then, an agent has been sent to make his bow, and they tire States which had been admitted into the Union. Yet they had consented so far as to examine the lands. she had continued to wait, until she perceived it to be Mr. McDUFFIE said, that the Committee of Ways adopted as a settled policy, that those Indians were to be and Means had not only felt no disposition to give a kept within her limits. He knew that the People and preference to this provision for the removal of the the Government of Georgia had been represented as Creeks and Cherokees, but had felt a disposition directwishing to bear down these unhappy People, and to ly the reverse. The proposition had not originated treat them with barshness and oppression. Nothing could with them, but came strongly recommended from the be farther from the truth, or could do more injustice to War Department. Ile had, in consequence, been inthe feelings of the People of Georgia. Their pity and structed to ask that the Committee of Ways and Means solicitude for these wretched tribes, were felt to a degree might be discharged from the consideration of the sub. which could not be expressed. Their removal was never ject, and that it might be referred to the Committee on contemplated, or intended as a compulsory measure. Indian Affairs. This last committee had reported upon They were to remove in a peaceable and voluntary man- it, and recommended the appropriation in the very lanner, or not at all. The arrangement provided for by the guage now inserted in the bill. He could not agree amendment of the Committee of Ways and Means, ap- with gentlemen who thought this an improper time to peared to him fair and just. He was equally willing to discuss the general policy of removing the remnants of remove the wretched remnants of these people from all the Indian tribes to the West of the Mississippi. He the other States, for he could truly say, that it was among thought that policy was now fairly before Congress : the warmest wishes of his heart, to benefit these poor that if gentlemen meant to discuss it at all, now was suffering remnants of the aboriginal race, in a way the the proper time to do so. It had heretofore been the most effectual and permament. custom to embrace these appropriations for the Indian service in the Military Appropriation Bill. The Committee of Ways and Means had thought it more proper to present them in a separate bill. They were all subjects for fair discussion.

The question was then put on the amendment of Mr. HAILE, and negatived.

Mr. WOODS, of Ohio, now moved to amend the amendment of Mr. McDUFFIE, by striking out the words "and for aiding the said Cherokees, and such other Indians as may be so disposed, to emigrate to places West of the Mississippi."

This amendment, he thought, would meet the views of both committees, and would, also, remove the difficulty of the gentleman from Missouri [Mr. BATES.] The subject was not a new one. It had been agitated for years, and had been particularly discussed at the last session, at which session a bill had been introduced similar to that now reported from the Indian Committee, but had never been called up. If a general course of policy was thus to be introduced and sanctioned by an item in the appropriation bill, that bill might be made an instrument of changing the whole course of the Government. He did not wish to interfere with the obligation of treaties, but he knew of no treaty with the Cherokees which provided for their emigration. He was willing to do all that was necessary to fulfil the compact with the Government of Georgia, but he was not willing to say that it was the settled policy of the Government that those Indians were to be removed. The gentleman from Kentucky had been right, the other day, in saying that there ought to be no treaty with any Indian tribes, unless there had been a previous appro priation; but a different practice had prevailed; and if called upon to make out a list of the sins of this Administration, he would set down, as a prominent item, the sanction which it had given to this system. He was for tying up the hands of the Executive until the House had an opportunity to know what plan was to be pur sued. He was against removing the Indians West of the Mississippi, and as far as principle was concerned, he would as soon vote to place them Northwest of the Ohio. The subject was one of deep interest to the country. Gentlemen would recollect that his amendment did not touch the sum appropriated, but only a particular application of that sum. If it prevailed, the appropriation would be left for removing

On the general subject of the policy of aiding the emigration of our Indians to the West he had no hesitation in saying, that he regarded it as the settled policy of this Government. The Executive, under the last, as well as the present Administration, had clearly expressed an opinion in its favor. It was true, Congress had not yet officially expressed such a sentiment. But he believed it to be the settled opinion of a large majority of the House, that the Indians within the limits of our settled States must either be induced to emigrate, or must infallibly sink into a state of indiscribable and irretrievable wretchedness. He considered the idea of civilizing and educating them as wholly delusive. The experiment had been tried, and the result had proved, that, while surrounded by the whites, the Indians acquired all the vices of a civilized People, and none of their virtues. He thought the Government ought to make use of all proper and legitimate means to remove them, and he trusted it would be left in the power of the Executive to try the effect of money in inducing them to emigrate.

Mr. FLOYD, of Va. now observed, that this subject had given rise to more discussion than he had anticipated; and as there was another subject to which he felt anxious to call the attention of the committee, with a view, that members who now seem to differ might, if possible, come to an understanding with each other that might shorten future debate, he moved that the committee now rise.

The motion prevailed, and the committee rose and reported.

TUESDAY, FEB. 19, 1828.

EMIGRATION OF INDIANS.

The House again went into Committee of the Whole on the bill making appropriations for the Indian Department, and the question immediately before the Committee being

on the motion of Mr. Woons, of Ohio, to amend Mr. MCDUFFIE's amendment, by striking out from it these words: "And for aiding the said Cherokees, and such other Indians as may be so disposed, to emigrate to places West of the Mississippi"

[H. OF R.

been pursued by the United States, or whether a more lib. eral and humane policy shall be adopted in relation to this People.

Before I enter upon the discussion of the important question submitted by this amendment, I feel it to be my Mr. OWEN, of Alabama, said he did not rise to dis- duty, as a member of the Committee on Indian Affairs, to cuss the principles on which this item of the bill depend- take some notice of the complaints and insinuations of the ed. They had been long before Congress, and were well gentleman from Mississippi, [Mr. HAILE] against that comunderstood but, in opposition to the ground taken by mittee. The gentleman has thought proper to charge the the honorable gentleman at the head of the Committee of Committee on Indian Affairs, with having done him great Ways and Means, who had said, that, upon this item of injustice, in the manner in which they have disposed of a the appropriation bill, the whole policy of the Govern-resolution referred to the committee by that gentleman. ment, as to the removal of the Indians, came fairly up for I deem it to be only necessary, in order most triumphantdiscussion, he could not subscribe to any such doctrine.ly to refute the charge of injustice, so liberally bestowed The policy of this Government, in relation to the Chero. upon the committee by that gentleman, to make a brief kees, had long been settled, and was known to all. It statement of the facts relative to the gentleman's resoluhad been before the American People for twenty-five tion, and the proceedings had upon it. It will be recolyears, and had of late given rise to controversies, with lected by the committee, that, at a very early period of which every gentleman was acquainted. It had nothing the session, the gentleman from Mississippi introduced a to do with any general plan for the removal of the In-resolution, requiring the Committee on Indian Affairs to dians West of the Mississippi. It rested exclusively on the inquire into the expediency of making an appropriation, compact of 1802, between the General Government and to enable the Chickasaw and Choctaw Indians to migrate the State of Georgia. The next immediate reference of to a country West of the Mississippi. Upon the introduc the article was to the removal of the Creeks. This was tion of this resolution, the gentleman from Florida, [Mr. no new subject, and required the discussion of no theory WHITE] and the gentleman from Georgia, [Mr. HAYNES] whatever. each proposed amendments to the resolution; which were adopted. I then offered further to amend the resolution, by inserting the name of the Miami and Pattawatamie Indians; the gentleman from Mississippi objected to the Mr. OWEN replied, that he had supposed it referred to amendment, and earnestly requested that his resolution both the tribes; but, even so far as it applied to the Cher- should not be embarrassed, but that it should be considokees, its discussion ought not to include the whole ques-ered upon its own merits. The gentleman then, as now, tion of the policy of this Government, in its proposed treat. ment of the Indian tribes.

The CHAIR suggested to the gentleman from Alabama, that the amendment had no application to the Creeks, but affected the Cherokees only.

seemed to consider the claims of Mississippi as paramount to those of every other State. In accordance, however, Mr. SMITH, of Indiana, rose, and said, he had not ex- with his wishes, I withdrew the proposed amendment, pected that the question now before the Committee of the knowing that the same question would be presented to Whole, for our consideration, would have been discussed the consideration of the committee, by a general resolu on the general appropriation bill. I did believe, sir, that tion; and the resolution of the gentleman went to the this question would have been submitted more properly Committee on Indian Affairs, and that committee, as one to the consideration of the House, on the bill reported of its first acts, considered the resolution, and reported a on this subject by the Committee on Indian Affairs, which bill in favor of his proposition, which was the first bill that bill is accompanied by a special report from that Commit- was reported from that committee. This, sir, was long betee. But, sir, the House has determined otherwise. The fore the estimates were sent from the War Department, Committee of Ways and Means has reported, as one item which were incorporated in the Appropriation Bill? in the appropriation bill, the sum of fifteen thousand dol- What ground, then, let me ask, has the gentleman, of comlars, for the purpose of aiding in the removal of the Cher-plaint against the Committee on Indian Affairs? But the okees, and such other Indians as may be disposed to emni-bill lays back amongst the orders of the day, and may negrate to a section of country West of the Mississippi, ver be taken up, says the gentleman. Supposing all this to with a view to their permanent location forever. This be true, does it furnish to the gentleman a just cause of appropriation, the amendment offered by the gentleman complaint against the Committee on Indian Affairs? Is from Ohio [Mr. WooDs] proposes to strike out. Hence, that committee accountable for the movements of this sir, as has been correctly remarked by the Hon. Chairman House? Can it control the business of the House, so as of the Committee of Ways and Means, [Mr. McDUFFIE] to take up a bill out of its regular order? I presume the the subject is fairly before the committee at this time; gentleman himself would not contend for such absurdities. and I admit that it can be of very little importance to the Then, sir, I dismiss the complaints of the gentleman, with committee at what time the question is met, discussed, this advice to him, that, before he charges a committee of and finally decided. The Chair has remarked, that the this House again with a dereliction from duty, he will take question on the amendment does not involve or embrace care at least to have some evidence that the committee the appropriation to comply with the contract on the part has acted incorrectly. of the U. States, with the Creek Indians, under the late Sir, I consider the question now before the committee treaty with that nation; and, upon this intimation, the as one of momentous importance; it is of importance to the gentleman from Alabama, [Mr. OwEN] declined making character of the United States, and of much greater imany remarks on the question before the Committee. For portance to that most unfortunate and wretched People, my own part, sir, I am not disposed to abandon the dis-that the future policy of the Government, in relation to cussion of the question before us, because the Creek In- them, should be marked with justice, humanity, and a dians are not included in terms, as I consider the amend-magnanimity of purpose, that will atone, as far as possible, ment of the gentleman from Ohio as covering the whole for the great injustice which we have done them. We ground, and as bringing up for discussion and considera- cannot retrace our steps; we cannot affect the past; we tion the past, the present, and the future policy of this cannot resuscitate or bring to life the thousands of this misGovernment, in relation to this unfortunate People. Sir, erable People, who have wasted away and perished under this amendment submits to us, as the Representatives of the influence of our baneful policy. But, sir, we may, and the People, the important consideration, whether we will I do most sincerely hope will, profit by the past expecontinue the same destructive policy which has heretoforerience of the nation, in the policy which has been pursu.

ed, and in our future legislation on this subject, carefully avoid that course of policy which has produced such dire effects.

- Sir, I do not address the committee in my place, exclusively as the advocate of the Indians; but I wish to be understood as being the advocate of a just, humane, and magnanimous course towards them, on the part of this Government. No, sir, they have no representative on this floor; they must rely for justice on the philanthropy and humanity of the representatives of that People, who have reduced them to their present wretched situation, and, sir, I feel well satisfied that this committee will not turn a deaf ear to their complaints.

[FEB. 19, 1828.

With

ses, and take possession myself, under the pretext that he did not cultivate his land as it ought to be cultivated? I know that, in some instances, formerly, and many instances of latter years, you have pretended to hold treaties with them, and to acquire their lands by contract; but, sir, how has this been done? It has been done nine times out of ten, by bribing their chiefs, and not unfrequently with arms in your hands. What kind of a contract is this when concluded? It is such a one as ought not to be binding on the party thus imposed upon. You had better, yes, ten thousand times better, resort to the law of conquest; for, in that case, you could plead the custom of nations as an apology for your wrongs. Sir, in order to determine the questions correctly, which Your treaties have been not unfrequently held immedi. arise on this amendment, it is important for us to decide, ately after the most bloody and destructive war to the whether the situation of the Indians is such as to require Indians had terminated in favor of your arms, and as a the interposition of the strong arm of the United States consideration for the injuries they had done you. in their behalf, and whether the United States are under arms in your hands, you take their lands, and restore to any obligation of justice, humanity, morality, or religion, them peace; and they retreat further into the wilderto afford the relief necessary to prevent the total extinc-ness, and are at rest, until the eyes of your avarice have tion of this People. Sir, let me examine for a moment again counted the acres of land which they occupy, and and see who these Indians now are, and who they once ad led them to the countless acres which you had previwere. Great, very great, have been the vicissitudes in ously taken from them. Then a new treaty is held, and life, which they have been doomed to experience. We they are again dispossessed. But, as an excuse for your cannot shut our eyes against the facts, sir. We found conduct towards them, it is said that, in some instances, them the lawful occupiers of this vast extent of territory, they had inhumanly murdered some of the whites. This now circumscribed by the boundaries of the United is no doubt true; but cannot we find some little excuse States. We found them the lords of the soil; we found for them, although we are not prepared to justify them them a great and powerful nation, or rather a number of in the fact, that they have been generally defending their nations in the rude state. As individuals, it is true they homes-the country that contained the bones of their were emphatically the children of the forest; yet they fathers, and in which they found, at all times, an old aswere, in a degree, prosperous, and, to all appearances, sociate in every spring, in every running stream, and happy; they were possessed of constitutions, which put even in every silent tree that stood near the wigwam or at defiance the assaults of cold, hunger, thirst, and fa- travelling path. Who would not have disputed the octigue. The water from the fountains was their only cupancy of a country under such circumstances, with any drink, and the common diseases which are now sweeping daring intruder ? away this wretched People, as with the breath of a pes tilence, were then unknown to them; the causes which produce the effect now, had not reached them then; I allude, sir, in part, to the introduction of spirituous liquors amongst them, by their white neighbors, of which, most unfortunately for them, they are impassionately

fond.

Sir, such were these People when we first knew them; what are they now? It does seem, that, from the time of the first settling of our forefathers at James Town, and at Plymouth, the lands of the Indians had been consider ed as a lawful conquest. A war of extermination from that time, or as soon after as the whites supposed that they had acquired sufficient strength to maintain their conquests, was waged against the aboriginal inhabitants of the country; and it is but a very short time since, that we have stayed the sword of desolation. We have seen their most powerful nations dwindled down to poor wandering tribes, and their greatest kings reduced to beggarly chiefs. We have seen them driven by the whites, from river to river, from State to State, from hill to hill, from mountain to mountain, and from forest to forest; the tide of white emigration still flowing West, and still pressing close upon them; and if we continue the present policy, the time cannot be very far distant, when the last sound of the Indian must die on the Pacific. I am aware, sir, that it is contended by writers of celebrity, that a country, inhabited as this was, belongs to the nation that happens to discover it, and that it is a lawful subject for conquest. But, sir, I cannot subscribe to this doctrine, to such an extent. It is founded on a principle, maintained by arbitrary governments alone, that power gives right. Sir, if my neighbor, being the owner of a farm, is not as good a husbandman as I am, if he lets his farm grow up with weeds, briars, and thorns, or even refuses to cut off the timber, shall I, because I have the power, drive him from the possession of his premi.

Sir, it is true, that you have, by some of your treaties, stipulated to pay, and that you actually have paid to the different tribes of Indians, certain annuities, in consideration of lands received from them; and, sir, however much gentlemen may differ from me in opinion, I am constrained to say, that, in my opinion, this is the most destructive policy which you have ever pursued towards them; your annuities are melting them away, like snow under a meridian Sun. When they had to rely on their own exertions for procuring a livelihood, they were a reasonably industrious People; they attended to their trapping at the proper season, and, most generally, expended the moneys arising from a sale of their skins, in necessaries; but, now, you have held out to them a lure to dissipation and idleness relying on their annuity, their traps are neglected; they spend their time in idleness and the most abandoned dissipation, and their whole mind is steadfastly bent on getting spirituous liquors. I know there are exceptions to the character which I have described, but they are lamentably rare. There are al. ways men found, where they are surrounded by the whites, base enough to prey upon their wretchednessthe money, the annuity, is a sufficient inducement for such conduct, And yet, sir, there are many honorable men within my own knowledge, who are called Indian traders, who furnish them with the necessaries of life, and who would not condescend to such meanness,

Sir, a part of your policy at present is, to send mis. sionaries amongst them. I have no doubt but that they have been of essential service in promoting the present, the future, and eternal welfare of many of these wretched beings; but I have heard some of the most enlight ened of them say, that the benefits they are enabled to render, can only be partial, so long as the present policy of the Government is continued in other respects. You might as well attempt to moralize, civilize, or christianize a maniac, as an Indian who has no inducement to re