and the rival parties were straining every nerve to secure the seat. By a tacit sort of understanding throughout the country, the result of the contest was to be typical of the political views of the people: if a Liberal was returned, the nation was still in favour of Liberalism; if, on the other hand, a Conservative was the victor, the reaction had set in, and the government was in a minority. To the delight of the Opposition, though the borough had hitherto been Liberal, a Conservative was returned by a large majority. At the same time, whilst political feeling was absorbed in the condition of things in the west of England, events were happening in the north very significant of the change that was now apparent. The death of Sir Joseph Cowen had created a vacancy in the great commercial borough of Newcastle

THE leadership of the Opposition was now to fall into other hands. Mr. Gladstone had passed a doleful and anxious Christmas. At every contested election a Conservative headed the poll-a fact which indicated that the tide of popular feeling had now definitely turned against a Liberal policy. The prime minister was undecided what course to adopt. In spite of defeat after defeat he declined to believe that these isolated cases of Conservative triumph represented the general views of the nation, but felt sure that if the country were appealed to in a body he would once again be returned to office with a powerful majority. Still he was opposed to the idea of a dissolution at that moment, knowing the inconvenience it would occasion his followers, and so finally buoyed himself up with the hope that the financial schemes he was about to bring forward would be instru-on-Tyne. The town had always been in mental in reorganizing his majority and in propitiating the House and the people in his favour. Parliament was to meet in the first week of February, and the day was rapidly approaching for that event without any symptoms occurring of there being any obstacle to the programme that had been arranged. Ministers were quitting their country houses, or hurrying home from the Continent; members were coming up one after the other to town; the clubs were full, and a busy session was anticipated.

Suddenly the government changed their tactics. It would appear as if Mr. Gladstone had required something definite to take place which was to help him out of his state of indecision, and serve as a guide to his future plan of action. That clue, he considered, had now been given. A vacancy had occurred in the representation of Stroud,

favour of the Liberal interest, and at the last election a Conservative had been defeated by more than 4000 votes. The son of Sir Joseph now offered himself as a candidate, and was returned; but the once immense Liberal majority had dwindled down to little more than 1000. These two events appeared to have created a deep impression upon Mr. Gladstone, and to have forced his hand. With no preparatory hints of the course he intended to pursue, he suddenly issued his address, announcing the dissolution of parliament. The address was dated January 23, 1874, and to the intense surprise of the country, appeared in the newspapers of the following day.

This vain and verbose composition fully justified Mr. Disraeli entitling it as "a prolix narrative," since it filled three

THE EARL OF BEACONSFIELD AND HIS TIMES.

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columns of an ordinary morning journal. | Mr. Gladstone, was considered a mistake. It was addressed to the constituents of It was said that the prime minister should Greenwich, and gave the reasons which have met parliament, should have definitely had induced the prime minister to make introduced his financial schemes, and have a general appeal to the country. It carried out his reforms, and then have reviewed the past acts of the government, appealed to the country. Had that course and claimed credit for the measures that been taken the people would have known had become law. It gave the history of exactly what was the policy of the governthe last session, and stated that ministers ment, instead of being asked to decide upon had come to the conclusion that it was vague and indefinite proposals. unadvisable to carry on further work without a fresh access of strength. "The question," it said, "whether members ought to retain or to abandon office should be decided by a general election, with the opportunity which it affords for broad declarations of policy and issues truly national, and cannot be satisfactorily solved by isolated contests, of which the issue is in a greater degree dependent on close discipline and finished and concentrated organization." Then came the bribery clauses, which were to propitiate the country and buy the favour of the people. If the Liberals were returned to power, it was promised in the address that local taxation should be diminished, the odious income tax wholly repealed, and numerous taxes remitted-reliefs which could be carried out owing to the large surplus in hand, and by the readjustment of taxation. It was also hinted that changes, if thought desirable, might be effected in the franchise, the land laws, the game laws, the licensing laws, the Education Act, and the laws affecting trades unions. The address then closed with a panegyric upon the labours of the Liberal party during the last forty years. "I am confident," said Mr. Gladstone, "that if now the present government be dismissed from the service of their gracious mistress and of the country, the Liberal party, which they represent, may at least challenge contradiction when they say that their term of forty years leaves the throne, the laws, and the institutions of the country not weaker, but stronger than it found them."

Mr. Disraeli was not slow to take up the challenge of his antagonist. In his address to the electors of the county of Buckingham he replied to the appeal of the prime minister. "The prime minister," he said, "has addressed to his constituents a prolix narrative, in which he mentions many of the questions that have occupied, or may occupy, public attention, but in which I find nothing definite as to the policy he would pursue except this, that having the prospect of a large surplus he will, if retained in power, devote that surplus to the remission of taxation, which would be the course of any party or any ministry. But what is remarkable in his proposals is that, on the one hand, they are accompanied by the disquieting information that the surplus, in order to make it adequate, must be enlarged by an adjustment,' which must mean an increase of existing taxes; and that, on the other hand, his principal measures of relief will be the diminution of local taxation and the abolition of the income tax-measures which the Conservatives have always favoured, and which the prime minister and his friends have always opposed." If returned to parliament, continued Mr. Disraeli, he would endeavour to support all measures calculated to improve the condition of the people. "But I do not think," he said, "this great end is advanced by incessant and harassing legislation. The English people are governed by their customs as much as by their laws, and there is nothing they more dislike than unnecessary restraint and meddling interference in their affairs. Generally speaking, The address, even by the supporters of I should say of the administration of the

last five years that it would have been | must decide them. Their solution must be better for us all if there had been a little arrived at when Europe is more deeply more energy in our foreign policy, and a stirred than at any period since the Reforlittle less in our domestic legislation." mation, and when the cause of civil liberty and religious freedom mainly depends upon the strength and stability of England. I ask you to return me to the House of Commons to resist every proposal which may impair that strength, and to support by every means her imperial sway.”

Mr. Disraeli then blamed the "equivocal and entangling engagements" which had involved the country in the Ashantee war, and considered that any question of a of a further reform of the House of Commons was both unwise and unnecessary. There had always been, he said, a difference between During the next few weeks the country the franchises of the two divisions of the was under the influence of the stir and country, and no one had argued more turmoil of a general election. As the strongly against the identity of suffrage struggle between the Liberal parties prothan Mr. Gladstone. The late Reform Act ceeded, it soon became evident how false was a large measure, which, in conjunction had been the move made by the prime with the ballot, had scarcely been tested minister. No one was prepared for a disby experience; and the Conservative party, solution, and those who found themselves which had proved that it was not afraid of suddenly called upon to fight for their seats popular rights, would oppose further legis- were loud in their denunciations of this lation, which, if sanctioned, would amongst sudden resolve sprung upon them by other changes disfranchise at the least all Mr. Gladstone, and cordially agreed with boroughs with less than 40,000 inhabitants. Mr. Disraeli that such conduct was "un"Gentlemen," said Mr. Disraeli, in conclu- English." The Conservatives, thanks to sion, "the impending general election is their perfect system of organization, were one of no mean importance for the future not taken unawares, and had everything in character of this kingdom. There is reason order to give battle. Their ranks were full, to hope from the address of the prime their discipline was excellent, and their minister, putting aside some ominous sug-"cry" appealed to the people. On the gestions which it contains as to the expediency of a local and subordinate legislature, that he is not certainly, at present, opposed to our national institutions or to the maintenance of the integrity of the empire. But unfortunately among his adherents some assail the monarchy, others impugn the independence of the House of Lords, while there are those who would relieve parliament altogether from any share in the government of one portion of the United Kingdom. Others, again, urge him to pursue his peculiar policy by disestablishing the Anglican as he has despoiled the Irish Church; while trusted colleagues in his cabinet openly concur with them in their desire to thrust religion from the place which it ought to occupy in national education. These, gentlemen, are solemn issues, and the impending general election

other hand, the Liberals were at a disadvantage. They were not ready with their candidates, their canvassing lists had not been drawn up, and their camp was weakened by divisions. The dissenting interest, dissatisfied with the Education Act, pledged itself not to vote for any candidate who was not in favour of universal schoolboards, of one board school in each school district, and the unconditional repeal of clause twenty-five. At the same time the licensed victuallers, irritated with the schemes of the late home secretary, went over bodily to the Conservative party. Thus became cemented that union, which was so much derided at the time, between "beer and the Bible." The conduct of the Dissenters in advocating a purely secular education alienated many Liberals from the party who were in favour of scriptural teaching,

and greatly strengthened the hands of the of Mr. Gladstone's "readjustment of taxaConservatives. From the very commence- tion." It was a policy which he could not

ment of hostilities the issue of the struggle was evident On the side of the Conservatives were those who ordinarily constituted the supporters of the party, and, in addition, all who advocated Bible education as against secular instruction, together with that immense community connected with the manufacture and sale of malt liquor. Against this consolidated and aggressive force was the ministerialist party, unprepared and discouraged, stripped of numbers of its followers to whom its economical reductions had been inimical, and weakened by the tactics of the discontented Dissenters.

recommend. "Let us first realize the surplus," he said. "Let the financial year be terminated. Let us see what we have in hand, and let us distribute those means in a manner which we think most advantageous to the country."

His condemnation of the policy of "economy" which Mr. Gladstone had instituted should not be passed over. "All ministers of all parties," said Mr. Disraeli, “are in favour of economy, but a great deal depends upon what you mean by economy. I venture to say, that I do not believe you can have economical government in any country in which the chief minister piques himself upon disregarding the interests of this country abroad, because such neglect must inevitably lead us into expenditure, and an expenditure of the kind over which we have the least control. We are in the habit of hearing it said (and nothing is more true) that the most economical government we ever had was the Duke of Wellington's

Mr. Disraeli was busy in his own county addressing his constituents. He had no fears as to his seat, and he saw that office would soon be his lot. "The county of Bucks," he said, "has always been a political county, and I hope it will maintain its reputation in that respect. Since the accession of the house of Hanover there have been thirty prime ministers, and five of them have been supplied by the county-and why was it? It was because the of Buckingham. Surely, then, there must Duke of Wellington paid the greatest posbe something in the air of Buckinghamshire sible attention, more than any minister who that is favourable to the growth of prime ever ruled in this country, to the interests ministers." He was in a few days to find and position of England abroad. that air very favourable. In the different But Mr. Gladstone's view of economy, or speeches Mr. Disraeli made at that time rather the view of his own party and of it was not difficult for him cruelly to the school which he represents, is of another expose the mismanagement of affairs dur- kind. He says-The English people do ing the mischievous reign of the Glad- not care for their affairs abroad. I don't stone administration. He condemned the much care for them myself, but I must confusion and poltroonery with which the have economy. I must discharge dockyard foreign policy of the Liberals had been workmen. I must reduce clerks. I must conducted; he found fault with the reduc- sell the queen's stores. I must starve the tions that had been carried out only at queen's services. I must sell the accumuthe expense of efficiency, and with the lations of timber in the dockyards and whole system of the past financial policy. arsenals. I must sell all the anchors Upon the latter point he spoke with much belonging to the navy. I must sell '— sound sense. He would not discuss what which we were selling for the first year or should be done with the vaunted surplus two-half the ships in the navy. And until it had been realized; but he was this is economy.' But allow me to say strongly opposed to the repeal of the income that when Mr. Goschen the other day, in tax in order that new taxes should be levied, addressing his constituents, as a sort of which he supposed was the interpretation | defence of the government, said that the