their language, not only in the North-West Territories, but wherever their language exists. They must be deprived of everything which constitutes their distinct individuality in this Dominion, and this must be done by legislation now; but if not done now by legislation, in future it will be done by force and violence-by bullets and bayonets. The expression is not mine, but that of the honourable gentleman himself. It has been repeated, not once or twice, but several times in different parts of the Dominion. So this is the policy upon which the honourable gentleman is endeavouring to form a new party, or to reorganize an old party. This is the policy the honourable gentleman offers to his fellow-countrymen of English origin. I denounce this policy as anti-Canadian; I denounce it as antiBritish; I denounce it as being at variance with all the traditions of British Government in this country; I denounce it as fatal to the hope we at one time entertained, and which I, for one, am not disposed to give up, of forming a nation on this continent. I denounce it as a crime, the consequences of which are simply shocking to contemplate. The honourable gentleman may mean nothing more than a mere party device, but he is opening the flood-gates to passions which, once aroused, perhaps no human power may be able to restrain. He is appealing to national and religious passions, the most inflexible of all passions; and, whatever may be his motive, whatever his end, whatever his purpose his

movement cannot be characterized by any other language than that of a national crime.'

"1

This was strong language, but if Mr. McCarthy could have succeeded in his object, the results would have been hardly less serious than Mr. Laurier predicted. There are in Quebec more than a million of French-speaking people. They learn French at the mother's knee. They are cradled in French traditions. They look to the British flag as the symbol of the covenant which secures them in the possession and enjoyment of their language, their religion, and their local institutions. To put this population under attack and threaten it with loss of privileges and violation of constitutional guarantees is surely repugnant to rational patriotism and responsible statesmanship, and wholly foreign to the spirit of British institutions. In many respects Mr. McCarthy was an admirable figure in Canadian politics. He was singularly courageous and incorruptible. But in his attitude towards Quebec and in his handling of questions which touched the passions and prejudices of the French and Catholic people, he was often rash, impolitic, and unjust to the last degree. In so far as the motion affected the NorthWest only, Mr. Laurier was not disposed to offer serious objection. He said: "If the bill were a measure for the proscription of the French language in the North-West Territories alone, where the French population is small, I would be inclined to

1 Hansard, February 17th, 1890.

say, let the motion pass, and let us get back to those measures of practical usefulness which demand our attention." Nor was he satisfied with an amendment declaring that the then state of things in the North-West should be permanent. He said: "It is impossible to admit that the institutions of the North-West are permanent. On the contrary they are exceptionally temporary; they deal with a state of things which is exceptional in itself; they were devised at a time when there was no population, and they must be modified from time to time as the necessities of the case require." He found his refuge again in the principle of federalism, and foresaw and conceded that the same measure of control over local affairs, and the same right to determine the character of their local institutions, must be granted to the western provinces of the future as were possessed by Quebec and Ontario and the Maritime communities. This was enough for the moment, and thus far on the questions raised by the Equal Rights Association it will hardly be disputed that Mr. Laurier was patient, prudent, and far-seeing, and that his attitude and utterances made for the unity and stability of the Confederation.' It was under such circumstances

1 In 1891 the Parliament of Canada enacted that either the English or French language might be used in the Legislative Assembly of the Territories and in the Courts of Justice, and that the records and journals of the Assembly and all ordinances should be printed in both languages. The law is virtually a dead letter. French is used neither in the Courts nor in the Assembly, and all the official papers are printed

and in the throes of such issues that Mr. Laurier served his apprenticeship as leader of the Liberal party of Canada. When we review the events of that heated and tempestuous period, we can understand why he strove to induce Mr. Blake to reassume the leadership, and held so tenaciously to the opinion that his race, his religion, and his province were formidable hindrances to the success of the Liberal party in the constituencies.

in English only. The departments sometimes receive letters in French, but not more often than in German or Russian. The school ordinances of the Territories provide for the teaching of a primary course in French. Provision is also made for Catholic representation in the Educational Council for the Territories. Either Protestants or Catholics being in a minority in any school district may insist on the establishment of a Separate School. The majority of the Public Schools are Protestant. Where the Catholics are in the majority, their school is called the Public School and the Protestant the Separate School; but the Protestant Separate Schools are not denominational and are subject to exactly the same regulations as the Public Schools. The system is said to work smoothly.

COM

CHAPTER XIX

COMMERCIAL RELATIONS

YOMMERCIAL and political conditions in Canada were seriously affected by the adoption of free trade in Great Britain. The new policy involved the repeal of the Navigation Laws and the abolition of the preferences in favour of colonial products. In 1840 there were more than eighty differential duties in favour of the Colonies. During the next ten or twelve years, all of these, except the preferences on timber, food, wine and spirits, were abolished. In 1821 the duty on colonial timber was ten shillings a load, while a tax of fifty-five shillings was imposed on foreign timber. In 1842 and again in 1843, the duties were reduced, and in 1846 legislation was adopted which by 1848 cut down the preference to fifteen shillings on foreign, and one shilling on colonial timber. In 1851 the preference was again reduced by half, and finally in 1860 the duties were equalized at one shilling on foreign and colonial timber alike. So it was with sugar. Down from 1844 the preference was steadily reduced, and in 1854 was finally abolished. Canada was hit hard by the equalization of the timber duties, and it is doubtful if the West Indies have ever recovered from the great blow dealt to their staple industry