Brunswick, and Canada. The treaty being signed in 1842, and terminating a dispute which, through a Mr. Macleod setting fire to an American vessel, had threatened the worst consequences to the two nations. On March the 7th, 1850, while the country and congress were agitated by questions connected with the organization of territories recently acquired from Mexico, and the proposed interdiction of slavery therein, Mr. Webster made a very eloquent speech, taking stand in favour of a compromise respecting the territories and against any act or proviso by congress aiming to exclude slavery therefrom. He argued that such an act was wholly uncalled-for; that the law of God had interdicted slavery therein, and needed no re-enactment by man. Previously to this he had been opposed to the Mexican war on the principle that the acquisition of so vast a territory would weaken rather than strengthen the United States. When he found that he was in the minority in regard to the invasion, he did not withhold his support from the government in voting sufficient supplies, thinking that the war, if carried on at all, should be carried on efficiently. In American parlance, Mr. Webster "invested a son" in this war, who was appointed Major in the Massachusetts regiment of volunteers; but the fatigue, coupled with the enervating and distressing climate, proved fatal to the promising young officer.

tory, vast and valuable from its products and furs, north of the Columbia River, and south of the parallel of 49 deg. N. lat., is that which was in dispute between the governments of Great Britain and the United States. The first negotiation that took place about this much-disputed territory was in 1844, when the discussion was left open. America, it would seem, claimed more than that for which her claim was valid. In 1818 a convention was made which threw open for a term of ten years the debateable land to the subjects of both nations; America, on this, tried to populate the territory as quickly as possible, so as to make her claim national. In 1826 Mr. Canning and Mr. Huskisson proposed that a boundary line should be drawn along the 49th parallel of latitude from the Rocky Mountains to the north eastern branch of the Columbia River. America refused to agree to this, and made a proposal by which Britain would have been cut off from the Columbia River, the navigation of which was indispensable to her commerce. This was rejected. In 1827 the convention was renewed for an indefinite period. Throughout the whole of this time the claims of America seem to have grown larger and advanced with time. In 1827 the claim advanced to the 49th deg. N.; and in 1843 the President enlarged his claim again, on this occasion embracing the whole territory up to the 54th parallel; the cry being throughout the States, Upon the accession of President Fill"all or none.' In England some were more, Mr. Webster again became Secrefor calling in the sword for arbitration, tary of State, in which office he conbut, fortunately, in Lord Ashburton tinued till his death. At the Baltimore and in Daniel Webster more efficient convention, to élect in the room of Fillarbitrators were found. America, under more, he was nominated to the Presiher wise and conciliatory adviser, with-dency, but the delegates gave him but drew her exorbitant claims without 33 out of 293 votes. This, and it is losing her honour, and on the 13th of said having personally to congratulate June, 1846, it was finally settled by the President elect, killed the ambitious convention that the boundary should be continued westwards along the 49th parallel to the middle of the channel which separates America from Vancouver's Island, and thence south through the middle of the said channel and the Fuca Strait to the Pacific Ocean.

man. It became evident that his life was drawing to a close. He himself was aware of this, and had the male members of his family and his only surviving son, Fletcher Webster, sent for. He desired them to remain near his room, and more than once enjoined on Before this, which was to us in those present, who were not of his imEngland the most noticeable action of mediate family, not to leave Marshfield his life, during Webster's administration till his death had taken place. as Secretary of State, Lord Ashburton, assured by all that his every wish would Minister Extraordinary of Great Bri-be religiously regarded, he then adtain at Washington, had settled the dressed himself to his physicians, makeastern boundaries of Maine, New ing minute inquiries as to his own con

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that in the total ruin of America the name of Webster would survive! Surely these praises are tinctured with that exaggeration which frequently is the pardonable fault of a generous nation! Rather let us take the estimate of that power of Europe, which, wearing no crown upon its head, and employing no army, nay, nor weapon save the pen, and dealing not in titles or princely ministers, yet sways more willing subjects than the greatest, by its talent, its moderation, and its wisdom. We quote from the English Times: "He is spoken of in America almost as Peel was spoken of in England. The journals of the States appear in mourning for the departed statesman; writers of all denominations concur in eulogistic biographies, and the reception of the intelligence in every town of the Union is chronicled with uniform testimony to the popularity of the subject."

clusively local interest, such as the annexation of Texas, the Mexican war, the reception of new states into the union, and the compromise of slavery disputes, his voice was heard on the side of moderation and equity, indeed, when not biassed by the temptations of party, or swayed by the pressure of a political crisis, he was far too sagacious to be seduced into error or excess, and his support might be confidently anticipated by the supporters of right and reason."*

But possibly the greatest renown and worship was won for Daniel Webster by his oratory, and this was greatly aided by his personal appearance. All who saw him on his visit to England were struck with his intellectual appearance and his manly and somewhat English carriage. He had about him a certain "presence which was not to be put by," and this in the exaggerated expression of The writer then goes on with a the Americans was termed godlike. His searching, deep, and wise analysis, to features were dark, so dark as to be almost show us the grounds of this reverential swarthy in some lights, but yet delifavour. The passage is marked by a cately chiselled, although extremely large. great knowledge of the people of Ame- His thin lip was ever firmly closed when rica. "In him they saw an American the orator was not speaking; and his who had not only carried American large, dark brilliant eyes, deeply set in elections and guided the discussions of his head, were surmounted by a towerCongress, but who had met the diplo-ing and broad forehead which gave matists of Europe, on fair grounds much nobility to his expression. without discredit, and who enjoyed in the capitals of the Old World a distinction which in other cases was limited to the towns of the Union." But in spite of all this lavish praise and love, "It cannot be denied that the questions of the Bay Fisheries and the Lobos Islands (in which he had only looked to the immediate profit of America, not to her honour) placed the departed statesman in no favourable light either as a minister or a civilian. In his earlier views of foreign policy he was both more successful and correct. At various times it became his duty to assist at, or to conduct some of the most important negotiations in which the government of the Union was ever engaged. The north-eastern boundary, the provisions of mutual extradition, the right of search on the high seas, and the Oregon frontier, constituted successive questions of policy involving the highest interests of more than one State, and in all these discussions the influence of Mr. Webster's authority was both powerfully and meritoriously evinced. On points, too, of more ex

He had the good fortune before he went to Congress, to have established for himself a first-rate reputation as an orator at the Bar, or before literary and popular assemblies; and hence from the first he was listened to in the senate with attention. His style was peculiar to himself, and to his country. Cool, well-arranged, and clear; perfectly intelligible, seldom warm in the beginning, but frequently rising into the highest poetry in the peroration, his speeches took the listener captive by their strong and manly sense, then convinced the reason, finally also to enamour the imagination. Hence with those who had heard him the impression was lasting. He reminds us frequently also of the philosophical deduction of Burke, but his style is more pure and not so involved and glittering, yet there is scarcely a paragraph but which contains some truth; and the greatest praise should be awarded them from the fact of their never rambling, but always being addressed to the point in consi

* Article in "Times," Nov. 1852,

deration, and on that full, perfect, and exhausting. In the few specimens which we give, and the reader must remember that the whole of his speeches fill six octavo volumes, there will be yet enough to judge of the effect of the oratory of Daniel Webster. Sorry enough must be the chronicler of his life, to find that this oratory was time-serving, and used both for and against, that traffic which is the curse of America. In 1820, standing on Plymouth Rock he declaimed as follows:

Let it be purified, or let it be set aside from the Christian world; let it be put out of the circle of human sympathies and human regards, and let civilized man henceforth have no communion with it."

But yet on the 7th of March, 1850, thirty years afterwards, a space of time which should have made so great a man wiser and more humane, he could reverse all this, and plead for the Fugitive Slave Bill. Well can we sympathise with the indignation of Theodore Parker on such a theme.

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"I deem it my duty on this occasion to suggest, that the land is not yet wholly "You know the Fugitive Slave Bill free from the contamination of a traffic, too well. It is bad enough now; then at which every feeling of humanity must it was far worse, for then every one of for ever revolt,-I mean the African the seventeen thousand postmasters of slave-trade. Neither public sentiment, America became a legal kidnapper by nor the law, has hitherto been able en- that bill. He pledged our Massachutirely to put an end to this odious and setts to support it, and that with alacabominable trade. At the moment rity. My friends, you all know the when God in his mercy has blessed the speech of the 7th of March-you know Christian world with a universal peace, how men felt when the telegraph brought there is reason to fear, that, to the dis- the first news. They could not believe grace of the Christian name and cha- the lightning; you know how the Whig racter, new efforts are making for the party and the Democratic party, and extension of this trade by subjects and the newspapers, treated the report. citizens of Christian states, in whose When the speech came in full you hearts there dwell no sentiments of know the effect. One of the most conhumanity or of justice, and over whom spicuous men of the State, then in high neither the fear of God nor the fear of office, declared that Mr. Webster' seemed man exercises a control. In the sight inspired by the devil to the extent of his of our law, the African slave-trader is intellect.' You know the indignation a pirate and a felon and in sight of men felt, the sorrow and anguish. Heaven, an offender far beyond the or- think not a hundred prominent men in dinary depth of human guilt. There is all New England acceded to the speech. no brighter page of our history than But such was the power of that giganthat which records the measures which tic intellect that, eighteen days after his have been adopted by the government speech, 983 men of Boston sent him a at an early day, and at different times letter telling him that he had 'pointed out since, for the suppression of this trade; the path of duty, convinced the underand I would call on all the true sons of standing, and touched the conscience New England to co-operate with the of the nation;' and they expressed to laws of man, and the justice of Heaven. him their entire coincidence in the If there be, within the extent of our sentiments of that speech,' and their knowledge or influence, any participa-heartfelt thanks for the inestimable aid tion in this traffic, let us pledge our- it afforded to the preservation of the selves here, upon the rock of Plymouth, Union." to extirpate and destroy it. It is not fit More than this, he declared that "disthat the land of the pilgrims should cussion on slavery ought to be supbear the shame longer. I hear the pressed," and at a dinner after the toast, sound of the hammer, I see the smoke and sentiment (?) of "The Fugitive Slave of the furnaces where manacles and Law-on its execution depends the perfetters are still forged for human limbs. petuity of the Union," Mr. Webster said I see the visage of those who by stealth distinctly, "You of the South have as and at midnight labour in this work of much right to secure your fugitive slaves, hell, foul and dark, as may become the as the North has to any of its rights artificers of such instruments of misery and privileges of navigation and comand torture. Let that spot be purified, merce." The audience answered this or let it cease to be of New England. with six-and-twenty cheers!!! This

speech luckily for his fame, is not compared to Webster, were as a single printed in the six volume collection. maggot measured by an eagle. Look As we are upon this fugitive slave ques- at his speeches; look at his forehead; tion, we may as well quote, from a look at his face. The 293 delegates powerful authority, the reason of this came together and voted. They gave total abandonment of principle in Web-him thirty-three votes, and that only ster. We do it the more readily, as it is from the pen of an enthusiastic admirer and one of his own countrymen :

once! Where were the men of the lower law,' who made denial of God the first principle of their politics"Here is the reason. He wanted to where were they who in Faneuil Hall be President. That was all of it. He scoffed and jeered at the 'higher law?' must concilate the South. This was -or at Capron Springs who laughed' his bid for the Presidency-50,000 when he scoffed at the law higher than square miles of territory and 10,000,000 the Virginian Hills? Where were the of dollars to Texas; four new Slave kidnappers? The lower law' men, States; slavery in California and New Mexico; the Fugitive Slave Bill; and 200,000,000 of dollars offered to Virginia to carry free men of colour to Africa.

and the kidnappers, strained themselves to the utmost, and he had thirty-three votes. Where was the South? Fiftythree times did the Convention ballot, and the South never gave him a vote. "He never so laboured before, and No. Not one! Northern friends-I he was always a hard-working man. honour their affection for the great man, What speeches he made at Boston, New there was nothing else left in them for York, Philadelphia, Albany, Buffalo, me to honour-went round to the South Syracuse, Anapolis! What letters he and begged for the poor and paltry pitwrote! His intellect was never so ac- tance of a seeming vote in order to tive before, nor gave such proofs of such break the bitterness of the fall! They Herculean power. The fountains of went with tears in their eyes, and in his great deep were broken up-he mercy's name asked that crumb from rained forty days and forty nights, and the Southern Board. But the cruel brought a flood of Slavery over this South-treacherous to him she beguiled whole land; it covered the market, and to treason against God-she answered, the factory, and court-house, and ware-Not a vote!"" house, and the college, and rose high We turn from such a humiliating up over the tops of the tallest steeples! lesson, deeper from the contrast, to a But the ark of freedom went on the speech on the Presidential Protest, deface of the waters-above the market, livered in 1837, which is replete with a above the court-house, above the factory, manly good sense which does honour to over the college, higher than the tops of the statesman, and which contains a the tallest steeples, it floated secure-lesson to the ultra reformers of any for it bore the religion that is to save country or time. the world, and the Lord God of Hosts had shut it in."

"Nothing is more deceptive or more dangerous than the pretence of a desire to simplify government. The simplest governments are despotisms; the next simplest, limited monarchies; but all republics, all governments of law, must impose numerous limitations and qualifications of authority, and give many positive and qualified rights. In other words they must be subject to rule and regulation,-this is the very essence of free political institutions. The spirit of liberty is indeed a bold and fearless spirit; but it is also a sharp-sighted spirit; it is a cautious, sagacious, farseeing intelligence; it is jealous of encroachment, jealous of power, jealous of man.

It looks before and after, and building on the experience of ages which are past, it labours dili